Das Politisierungsparadox: Warum der Rechtspopulismus nicht gegen Entpolitisierung und Ungleichheit hilft
Titelübersetzung:Paradoxes of Politicization: Why Right-wing Populism is No Cure For Inequality and Depoliticization
Autor/in:
Dormal, Michel; Mauer, Heike
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 1, S 22-34
Inhalt: Der Beitrag kritisiert die bei linken Autorinnen und Autoren beliebte These, der zufolge der Rechtspopulismus trotz seiner problematischen Züge den politischen Möglichkeitsraum erweitere, indem er einen entpolitisierten Liberalismus überwinde und soziale Ungleichheit wieder auf die Agenda setze. Die im Beitrag vertretene Gegenthese lautet, dass der Rechtspopulismus selbst konstitutiv eine spezifische Form der Entpolitisierung und der Naturalisierung von Ungleichheit darstellt. Eine wichtige Dimension dieser Naturalisierung von Ungleichheit stellen die gesellschaftlichen Geschlechterverhältnisse dar. Die Angriffe auf die Demokratisierung der Geschlechterverhältnisse durch den Rechtspopulismus sind keine zufälligen Verirrungen, die dem Phänomen äußerlich wären. Vielmehr offenbart gerade die antifeministische Obsession, dass es dem Rechtspopulismus nicht darum geht, gesellschaftliche Verhältnisse zu politisieren, sondern darum, sie in autoritärer Weise zu stabilisieren. Um den Doppelcharakter zu fassen, der darin liegt, dass der Populismus zwar quantitativ durchaus für eine Mobilisierung vormals politikverdrossener Milieus sorgt, qualitativ aber maßgeblich die Entpolitisierung des Zusammenlebens betreibt, wird der Begriff des Politisierungsparadoxes eingeführt.
Inhalt: In this article, we criticize the idea put forward by many left-wing theorists, according to which right-wing populism, despite having wrong political ideals, helps to repoliticize inequalities and to bring back class issues onto the political agenda. We argue instead that right-wing populism itself constitutes a specific form of depoliticization and naturalization of social inequalities. To substantiate this claim, the article examines the attacks mounted by right-wing populists against the democratization of gender relations. The obsession of right-wing movements and parties with an antifeminist political agenda clearly reveals that right-wing populism is not working towards a real politicization of inequalities but rather an authoritarian stabilization of social relations.
Schlagwörter:Populismus; populism; politische Rechte; political right; Politisierung; politicization; Ungleichheit; inequality; Demokratie; democracy; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Allgemeines, spezielle Theorien und Schulen, Methoden, Entwicklung und Geschichte der Politikwissenschaft
Democratic values and political attitudes in the Macedonian young people
Autor/in:
Cvetanova, Ganka; Naumovska, Bojana
Quelle: European Quarterly of Political Attitudes and Mentalities, 5 (2016) 2, S 56-69
Inhalt: The paper gives an insight into attitudes towards democracy of young people in the Republic of Macedonia, in particular their interest in politics and their engagement in civic and political activities. The findings in the paper rely on the data from following research projects: Virtual and Real Identities in the Republic of Macedonia, Youth Trends in the Republic of Macedonia и Youth Study Macedonia 2013. Throughout the paper, the pursuit of these issues is interlaced with a comparative analytical perspective involving the dimensions comparison of students' attitudes towards democracy by their ethnic belonging and comparison of students' attitudes towards democracy by their gender. The findings point out to certain indifference and disengagement in terms of the political and civic activities of the young people, as well as the fact that there are major differences among the young people pertaining to their interest in politics and their satisfaction with the democratic development of the society is of particular interest and it is worth highlighting. (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Demokratie; democracy; politische Einstellung; political attitude; Zufriedenheit; satisfaction; Jugendlicher; adolescent; bürgerschaftliches Engagement; citizens' involvement; Mazedonien; Macedonia
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Vietnamese civic organisations: supporters of or obstacles to further democratisation? Results from an empirical survey
Autor/in:
Wischermann, Jörg; Bui, The Cuong; Dang, Thi Viet Phuong
Quelle: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35 (2016) 2, S 57-88
Inhalt: In political science and in development cooperation, civic organisations (COs) under authoritarian rule are usually seen as supporters of processes that move towards democratisation. However, these organisations are sometimes criticised for their support of those in power. Within this context, critics refer to the fact that many COs have, for example, authoritarian intra-organisational structures. This characteristic clearly limits their potential to be supporters of democratisation processes. In this paper, we proceed from the assumption that Vietnamese COs can be both supporters of democracy and organisations that help to maintain authoritarian rule; they can sometimes even be both at the same time. COs are "polyvalent" (Kößler). More concretely, what COs are and which role(s) they play in the political system is mainly but not exclusively dependent on the impact the state has on them, and is at the same time dependent on the effects that those organisations have on the state.The results from an empirical survey, supported by the German Research Council (2013-2016) and carried out as a co-operation between the Institute of Asian Studies/GIGA Hamburg and the Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, suggest the following: - Most Vietnamese COs are hierarchically structured, if not organised in an authoritarian way. They are not "schools of democracy", in the sense of Tocqueville. - Most Vietnamese COs that have engaged in the welfare provision sector, either willingly or unwillingly, have helped to foster the foundations of authoritarianism. - In the field of economic policies, the COs invited by the state to participate in and contribute to the formulation of policies do help, overall, to secure existing power structures, even though these organisations also help change various economic policies and even though their activities produce some democracy-promoting effects. - In the policy field of gender equality, women's rights, and rights of sexual minorities, the mass organisation Vietnam Women's Union supports the state's respective discourse. Some NGOs active in this policy field are doing both: They support and criticise the state's discourse on gender norms and the rights of sexual minorities.In the conclusion, we answer the question of which Vietnamese COs can be seen as supporters of further democratisation and which can be classified as obstacles.
Public Participation in the General Elections of India: An Overview since 1951
Autor/in:
Pandita, Ramesh
Quelle: International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences, (2015) 64, S 17-34
Inhalt: Democratic process of any country is based on the participation of the public to form the government through their elected representatives, and the nation having an electoral system in place to choose their representatives can be termed as a nation living true to its democratic essence, while as, the nation elusive of ground level public participation in forming governments can never be termed as living true to democratic colour. The present study is an attempt to understand the electoral process of India, the public participation in the democratic process of the country, which is already fifteen general elections old, lasted over the period 1951 to 2014. Attempt has been made to understand the areas like, growth of parties over the period of time, seat distribution, reservation of seats, electoral participation, polling stations, performance of major national political parties along with electoral turnout both collectively and on gender basis etc. Existence of the multi party system in India and the growth in parties over a period of time gets equally reflected by the fact that in 1951, 54 parties participated in the electoral process and the number grew up to 466 in 2014, reflecting a growth of over 792%. During all the general elections contested by candidates 77.43% contestants forfeited their deposits with an average of 135 political parties contested each general election. Over 80.45% elected candidates to the parliament during all the general elections held so far, represent national parties.
Schlagwörter:Indien; India; Mehrparteiensystem; multi-party system; Parlamentswahl; parliamentary election; Wahlbeteiligung; voter turnout; Wahlsystem; electoral system; Demokratie; democracy; Bundesstaat; federal state; politisches System; political system; Südasien; South Asia; Electoral Process; Federal Structure; General Elections
SSOAR Kategorie:Staat, staatliche Organisationsformen, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Jammu & Kashmir's repeated reaffirmed faith in the democratic setup of India: a study of the state's public participation in the general elections of India (1967-2014)
Autor/in:
Pandita, Ramesh
Quelle: International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences, (2015) 51, S 125-138
Inhalt: Purpose: - The up-rise of social unrest in the state of Jammu & Kashmir (the federal constituent of the Union of India) towards the end of the 20th century with the demand to secede from the union of India has somewhere earned the Jammu & Kashmir as a conflict zone in the South Asia. The present study has been conceived to examine the public participation of the Jammu & Kashmir state in the democratic process of the country, by participating in the general elections of India (A referendum or plebiscite of its own kind, whereby people of the state, time and again have reaffirmed their faith in the democratic process of the country) since its accession with the union of India. Some of the aspects evaluated in the present study include, electoral participation, participation of national and local level political parties, participation and performance of national level political parties, representation given to women candidates, etc.Scope: - The study is confined to the state of Jammu & Kashmir, India and the findings have direct bearing with the state, which has altogether a different geopolitical setup, where public interests stand safeguarded by the constitution of India under article 370. There is every need to observe caution, while generalizing the findings of the study.Methodology/Approach: - The study is empirical in nature, undertaken on the secondary data, retrieved from the official website of the Election Commission of India on August 02, 2014.Findings: - The state of Jammu and Kashmir has so far undergone through 12 general elections in the country. The average voter turnout during these elections from the state remained about 46,76%. At gender level the average voter turnout percentage among males remained 60% & for females 39,90%, which compared to voter turnout at national level during the same period at gender level remained 62,39% and 55,45% respectively. The voter turnout percentage from the state remained far better than various other states of the country for the same period. The threat perception to not to participate in the electoral process of the country that prevailed over state populace post 1989 got reflected in the subsequent 7 general elections held in the state, especially among female folk, resulting decline in their turnout percentage, when compared to their male counterparts.Social Implications: - The study is an eye opener to the public at large and to those, who are abetting the Jammu & Kashmir’s secession movement by crying that the state is devoid of democracy. The secession movement which is being backed by the money & the munitions questions its own credibility & justification.
Schlagwörter:Indien; India; Parlamentswahl; parliamentary election; Demokratie; democracy; Sezession; secession; politische Bewegung; political movement; Wahlbeteiligung; voter turnout; Staat; national state; Partei; party; Volksabstimmung; plebiscite; öffentliches Interesse; public interest; Kaschmir; Jammu
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Quelle: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies - Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien; Hamburg (GIGA Focus International Edition, 1), 2015. 7 S
Inhalt: "When parliamentary elections were held in Tunisia in late October 2014, the Islamist Ennahda party, which had won most of the votes in 2011, was defeated. This shows that if Islamist parties make no concrete improvements, the people who voted for them will punish them. Voters for Islamist parties are often described as poor and easily manipulated, people who trade their votes for the social services provided by Islamist charitable organizations. However, surveys reveal that support for Islamist parties is not primarily about patronage. Even in countries where Islamists supply social services for many people, their voters are not less educated or more often unemployed than voters for "more secular" parties. The fact that Islamist voters agree with central issues of Islamist party programmes suggests that these parties partly use content, rather than offers of selective material incentives, to mobilize voters. Whether a party wins more for clientelistic reasons or more because of its programme influences how accountable it will be to voters. Data from opinion polls show that Islamist voters' values tend to coincide with Islamist party policies, for example, conservative attitudes regarding social issues such as gender equality, the acceptance of homosexuality and the condemnation of corruption. Despite the upheavals of the "Arab Spring", in many countries Islamist parties have no particular influence on political decisions. Opinion polls conducted between 2011 and 2013 revealed that it was the group of Islamist party voters who considered politics and democracy to be most important. The authoritarian consolidation that is taking place in most Arab countries could, however, cause these voters to become alienated from institutional politics or even become radicalized." (GIGA)
Türkei: per Wahl zur Instabilität?; das so positiv aufgenommene Ergebnis der Parlamentswahlen birgt auch viele Risiken
Autor/in:
Seufert, Günter
Quelle: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit; Berlin (SWP-Aktuell, 59/2015), 2015. 8 S
Inhalt: "Der Ausgang der türkischen Parlamentswahlen wurde in Europa und den USA, aber auch in der liberalen Öffentlichkeit des Landes selbst mit großer Genugtuung aufgenommen. Die Wählerinnen und Wähler, so der Tenor, hätten die Pläne von Staatspräsident Erdogan durchkreuzt, ein Präsidialsystem sui generis zu errichten, mit dem er faktisch zum Alleinherrscher geworden wäre. Die türkische Gesellschaft habe ihre liberalen Reflexe aktiviert, und das Ergebnis sei ein Sieg der Demokratie. Als Beleg dafür gilt vor allem der Erfolg der prokurdischen HDP, die überraschend den Sprung ins Parlament schaffte. In den Augen vieler Beobachterinnen und Beobachter ist mit dieser Partei, die einen radikaldemokratischen Diskurs etabliert habe und Gruppen jeglicher kultureller Identität sowie Frauen einbeziehe, eine echte Alternative zur nationalistischen und staatsfixierten Politik aller anderen Parteien entstanden. Angesichts der Ängste vor einer Autokratie Erdogans ist es verständlich, dass die positiven Aspekte der Wahl hervorgehoben werden. Tatsächlich hat die Bevölkerung dem geplanten Präsidialsystem eine klare Absage erteilt. Doch wie eine genauere Analyse der Ergebnisse zeigt, gibt es darüber hinaus wenig Grund, von einer Stärkung der demokratischen Kultur in der Türkei zu sprechen." (Autorenreferat)
Schlagwörter:Türkei; Turkey; Wahl; election; Wahlergebnis; election result; Abstimmung; voting; Innenpolitik; domestic policy; politische Situation; political situation; Präsidialsystem; presidential system; Wähler; voter; Partei; party; Demokratie; democracy; Liberalismus; liberalism; politische Entwicklung; political development
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Ennahdha in Practice: Democracy, Gender, and Sharia in Tunisia's New Constitution
Autor/in:
El Ouazghari, Karima
Quelle: Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V.; Berlin (DGAP kompakt, 13), 2014. 6 S
Inhalt: It was a historic milestone when the Tunisian parliament adopted a new constitution on January 26, 2014. With only a few weeks left before the next parliamentary elections on October 26, it is now a propitious time to assess the political performance of the largest party in the National Constituent Assembly. Ennahdha, the Islamist movement and party, has managed to reconcile Islamic values with democratic and pluralistic values but not with liberal ones. It clearly has shown its flexibility and pragmatism to adapt to different political contexts and its ability to compromise in political negotiations.
Schlagwörter:Verfassung; constitution; Verfassungsänderung; constitutional amendment; Demokratie; democracy; gender; Scharia; sharia; Islam; Islam; Partei; party; Wertsystem; value system; Pluralismus; pluralism; politische Willensbildung; formulation of political objectives; Tunesien; Tunisia
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Reflektionen zu Gender und politischer Partizipation in Asien: Einleitung
Titelübersetzung:Reflections on gender and political participation in Asia: introduction
Autor/in:
Fleschenberg, Andrea; Derichs, Claudia
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 22 (2013) 2, S 9-16
Inhalt: "Die Einleitung zu dieser Ausgabe der femina politica hebt einige der zentralen Themen und Fragen im breiten Kontext von Gender und politischer Partizipation in Asien hervor. Während es nicht möglich ist, einen umfassenden Überblick über alle relevanten Themen 'in Asien' oder 'in der asiatischen Politik' zu bieten, stellen wir einige der Nationalstaaten- und Regionen-übergreifenden Diskussionsstränge und Herausforderungen im Kontext von Frauen und Politik in Asien vor. Die Autoren haben drei größere Unterthemen identifiziert, die sie als aussagekräftig im Blick auf eine Portraitierung von Gender und politischer Partizipation in Asien erachten. Es sind dies die Themen (a) Parlamentarierinnen, Wählerinnen und geschlechterpolitische Ambivalenzen, (b) Ministerinnen und Staats- und Regierungschefinnen sowie (c) Internationale Interventionen und geschlechterpolitische Instrumentarien. Die Abrundung der relevanten Themen bildet ein Verweis auf die postkoloniale Perspektive, die im Heft auch in einem eigenen Beitrag thematisiert wird." (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: "The introduction to this issue of femina politica highlights some of the central topics and questions in the broader context of gender and political participation in Asia. While it is impossible to provide an overview of all relevant issues 'in Asia' or in 'Asian politics', some of the cross-national and cross-regional concerns and challenges for women in politics are introduced. The authors then select three sub-themes that they consider revealing for a portrayal of gender and political participation in Asia. These are (a) female parliamentarians, voters, and ambivalences of gender policies, (b) female ministers and heads of states and governments, and (c) international intervention and gender-specific instruments of intervention politics. Some of these sub-themes are subsequently elaborated upon in more detail by the respective authors of this volume. The authors close with the notion of the importance of postcolonial perspectives, which is picked up in an individual contribution, too." (author's abstract)