Inhalt: Trotz nach wie vor bestehender Unterrepräsentation werden immer mehr Ministerien in den deutschen Bundesländern mit Frauen besetzt. Weniger betrachtet wurde bisher, ob Frauen in diesem Prozess bestimmte Ministerien häufiger besetzen, es also zu geschlechtsspezifischer Portfolioallokation kommt. Diese ist vor allem relevant, wenn die weiblich besetzten Ministerien weniger prestigeträchtig sind. Davon ausgehend untersucht diese Studie die Prestigedifferenz zwischen männlich und weiblich besetzten Ministerien in den 16 Ländern zwischen 2005 und 2018 sowie mögliche Erklärungsfaktoren. Die Prestigedifferenz wird über den unterschiedlichen Anteil an Beamt*innenplanstellen der Ministerien mess- und vergleichbar gemacht. Die Studie kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass Frauen trotz ihres wachsenden Anteils in Kabinetten vermehrt weniger prestigeträchtige Ministerien besetzen und somit die Prestigedifferenz ansteigt. Als Erklärungsfaktoren zeigen vor allem die Ministerienanzahl sowie der Frauenanteil im Kabinett einen Effekt.

Schlagwörter:Politikerin; ; Frauenanteil; proportion of women; Regierung; government; gender-specific factors; Ministerium; ministry; Prestige; prestige; Bundesland; Bundesland; Federal Republic of Germany; Portfolioallokation; Frauenrepräsentation; Landeskabinette; Ministeriumsprestige; portfolio allocation; women's representation; subnational cabinets; ministry prestige

SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/dngps.v7i1.02

Dokumenttyp:Graue Literatur, Bericht

Inhalt: The article departs from the contradiction that the importance of care for society was publicly acknowledged during the COVID-19 pandemic, but the pandemic response of the Austrian government did not challenge the structurally devalued status of care. In order to sustain the hegemonic patriarchal-capitalist governance of care and social reproduction in the pandemic government actors had to reframe care. We investigate government discourses that normalised its careless crisis management and interrogate the role political masculinity and affects played therein. Based on our analysis of a set of selected press conferences held in March 2020, we find that a new mode of rational-affective political masculinity was constitutive of the political management of COVID-19 crisis. With help of this hybrid mode of masculinity, political actors reinterpreted care first and foremost as healthcare and caring for the economy, and as caring for the population in terms of biopolitics. At the same time, caring tasks in the 'private' sphere were left to the personal responsibility of individuals and families. In order to generate consent, political actors frequently invoked affects that pertained to risk and danger on the one hand and solidarity and responsibility on the other.

Schlagwörter:Österreich; Austria; Pflege; caregiving; Reproduktion; reproduction; Gesundheitspolitik; health policy; Krisenmanagement; crisis management (econ., pol.); politischer Akteur; political actor; Männlichkeit; masculinity; Biopolitik; biotechnology policy; Hegemonie; hegemony; Gender; gender; rational-affective masculinity; reframing care; care for the economy; solidarity; nationality; Corona; COVID-19; global pandemic; biopolitics

SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.12759/hsr.46.2021.4.50-71

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: Over the past fifteen years there has been an increase in the number of protest movements globally. In recent years and amid the global pandemic there have been hundreds of protests and demonstrations in South Africa. Consequently, in comparison to other parts of the globe, such protest action in South Africa is high. As a result, stable governance in the region has been impacted. Notably, during the resistance years in defiance of the apartheid regime, citizens in South Africa expressed their social discontent against exclusion and marginalisation through identities as radical and intersectional - this was also articulated in the recent protests that occurred in KwaZulu-Natal and parts of Johannesburg in July 2021. This highlights the relevance of intersectionality within this region. Intersectionality can be seen to refer to the inequalities that exist beyond femininities and masculinities. Intersectional theory explores aspects of discrimination, oppression, exploitation and inequality across identity, gender, race, ethnicity and class. This study uses a qualitative research approach to conceptually analyse intersectional theory. Thereafter the study discusses the relevance of intersectional theory in a post-apartheid context by illustrating intersectionality through the unrest and protests that occurred, following the jailing of former president Jacob Zuma. The findings of the study suggest the need to unpack the legacies of African elitism and social relations, while implementing intersectional reform that promotes greater inclusivity of citizens in the state.

Schlagwörter:Republik Südafrika; Republic of South Africa; soziale Ungleichheit; social inequality; Protest; protest; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Exklusion; exclusion; Diskriminierung; discrimination; Kapitalismus; capitalism; nationalism, Covid-19 protests

SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2021.002099

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: This article analyses the changed structures, actors and modes of communication that characterise 'dissonant public spheres.' With the #120decibel campaign by the German Identitarian Movement in 2018, gender and migration were pitched in a racist tune, absorbing feminist concerns and positions into neo-nationalistic, misogynist and xenophobic propaganda. The article examines the case of #120decibel as an instance of 'affective publics' (Lünenborg, 2019a) where forms of feminist protest and emancipatory hashtag activism are absorbed by anti-migration campaigners. Employing the infrastructure and network logics of social media platforms, the campaign gained public exposure and sought political legitimacy through strategies of dissonance, in which a racial solidarity against the liberal state order was formed. Parallel structures of networking and echo-chamber amplification were established, where right-wing media articulate fringe positions in an attempt to protect the rights of white women to be safe in public spaces. #120decibel is analysed and discussed here as characteristic of the ambivalent role and dynamics of affective publics in societies challenged by an increasing number of actors forming an alliance on anti-migration issues based on questionable feminist positions.

Schlagwörter:Populismus; populism; Rassismus; racism; Sexismus; sexism; Diskurs; discourse; politische Rechte; political right; #120decibel; Germany; affective publics; dissonant public spheres; feminism; hashjacking; migration; right-wing activism

SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/mediaandcommunication/article...

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v12i3.13

Dokumenttyp:Rezension

Inhalt: The present article is about Niqabi women belonging to the private Telegram instant messaging channel Orgullo Niqabi (Spanish for ‘Niqabi Pride’). More specifically, our main objective is to explain what they are demanding, how they articulate their demands through that channel, and why they use it for communicating and to organize their actions. Said demands are mainly linked to their recognition as autonomous and political individuals within the different contexts in which they find themselves. First, our analysis will focus on categorizing their social and political demands for being recognized, not only as Muslims, but also as autonomous, independent, and political beings. Second, we intend to explain how those demands, expressed in the virtual world, are articulated in specific actions in the different societies and social contexts in which these women live. To this end, this article analyzes, following the procedures of the Grounded Theory, the discourses obtained through 27 in depth interviews conducted in the first half of the year 2019. The strength of this research lies in overcoming the difficult access to these women and their discourses as well as in clarifying who they are, what they are demanding from the societies in which they live, how and why they are virtually grouped and the consequences of their virtual grouping in the different societies in which each of them lives.

Schlagwörter:woman; Digitalisierung; digitalization; Mobilisierung; mobilization; Fundamentalismus; fundamentalism; Individualität; individuality; Politik; politics; Niqabi pride; Niqabi women; Telegram; political individuals

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/socialinclusion/article/view/...

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i1.29

Dokumenttyp:Rezension

SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v30i1.24

Dokumenttyp:Rezension

Inhalt: Die SPD vollzog in den 1970er und 1980er Jahren einen beachtlichen frauenpolitischen Wandel: Sie richtete ihre Frauen- und Familienpolitik neu aus, übernahm feministische Ziele in das Grundsatzprogramm und führte eine Geschlechterquote ein, um den Anteil der weiblichen Parteimitglieder in Parteifunktionen und politischen Ämtern zu erhöhen. Die Studie erzählt die Geschichte dieses Umbruchs mithilfe von ZeitzeugInnen-Interviews und einer umfangreichen Sichtung der Parteidokumente.

Schlagwörter:SPD; Social Democratic Party of Germany; Frauenpolitik; women's policy; Familienpolitik; family policy; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations; Macht; power; Parteipolitik; party politics; Partei; party; Organisationsstruktur; organizational structure; soziale Bewegung; social movement; politische Partizipation; political participation; Frauenbewegung; women's movement; Feminismus; feminism; Quote; quota; historische Entwicklung; historical development; Federal Republic of Germany

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Organisationssoziologie, Militärsoziologie

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/86388794

Dokumenttyp:Hochschulschrift

Inhalt: Diese Studie untersucht, wie sich der Gender-Gap bei der Politikpartizipation und politischen Repräsentation in Österreich im Vergleich zu anderen Ländern entwickelt hat und welche Faktoren die Teilhabechancen von Frauen beeinflussen. Dafür wurden Verwaltungsdaten analysiert und Auswertungen des European Social Survey angestellt, um Veränderungen in Einstellungen und Verhalten abzubilden. Neben einer Literaturanalyse werden Ergebnisse einer qualitativen Erhebung unter österreichischen Kommunalpolitikerinnen präsentiert, die über ihre Erfahrungen und ihren Weg in die Politik erzählten.

Schlagwörter:gender; Repräsentation; Austria; international comparison; Gender; Österreich; woman; political participation; internationaler Vergleich; Biographie; representation; biography; local politics; politische Partizipation; Kommunalpolitik

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-64463-7

Dokumenttyp:Monographie