Inhalt: The article departs from the contradiction that the importance of care for society was publicly acknowledged during the COVID-19 pandemic, but the pandemic response of the Austrian government did not challenge the structurally devalued status of care. In order to sustain the hegemonic patriarchal-capitalist governance of care and social reproduction in the pandemic government actors had to reframe care. We investigate government discourses that normalised its careless crisis management and interrogate the role political masculinity and affects played therein. Based on our analysis of a set of selected press conferences held in March 2020, we find that a new mode of rational-affective political masculinity was constitutive of the political management of COVID-19 crisis. With help of this hybrid mode of masculinity, political actors reinterpreted care first and foremost as healthcare and caring for the economy, and as caring for the population in terms of biopolitics. At the same time, caring tasks in the 'private' sphere were left to the personal responsibility of individuals and families. In order to generate consent, political actors frequently invoked affects that pertained to risk and danger on the one hand and solidarity and responsibility on the other.

Schlagwörter:Österreich; Austria; Pflege; caregiving; Reproduktion; reproduction; Gesundheitspolitik; health policy; Krisenmanagement; crisis management (econ., pol.); politischer Akteur; political actor; Männlichkeit; masculinity; Biopolitik; biotechnology policy; Hegemonie; hegemony; Gender; gender; rational-affective masculinity; reframing care; care for the economy; solidarity; nationality; Corona; COVID-19; global pandemic; biopolitics

SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.12759/hsr.46.2021.4.50-71

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: Over the past fifteen years there has been an increase in the number of protest movements globally. In recent years and amid the global pandemic there have been hundreds of protests and demonstrations in South Africa. Consequently, in comparison to other parts of the globe, such protest action in South Africa is high. As a result, stable governance in the region has been impacted. Notably, during the resistance years in defiance of the apartheid regime, citizens in South Africa expressed their social discontent against exclusion and marginalisation through identities as radical and intersectional - this was also articulated in the recent protests that occurred in KwaZulu-Natal and parts of Johannesburg in July 2021. This highlights the relevance of intersectionality within this region. Intersectionality can be seen to refer to the inequalities that exist beyond femininities and masculinities. Intersectional theory explores aspects of discrimination, oppression, exploitation and inequality across identity, gender, race, ethnicity and class. This study uses a qualitative research approach to conceptually analyse intersectional theory. Thereafter the study discusses the relevance of intersectional theory in a post-apartheid context by illustrating intersectionality through the unrest and protests that occurred, following the jailing of former president Jacob Zuma. The findings of the study suggest the need to unpack the legacies of African elitism and social relations, while implementing intersectional reform that promotes greater inclusivity of citizens in the state.

Schlagwörter:Republik Südafrika; Republic of South Africa; soziale Ungleichheit; social inequality; Protest; protest; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Exklusion; exclusion; Diskriminierung; discrimination; Kapitalismus; capitalism; nationalism, Covid-19 protests

SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2021.002099

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: This article analyses the changed structures, actors and modes of communication that characterise 'dissonant public spheres.' With the #120decibel campaign by the German Identitarian Movement in 2018, gender and migration were pitched in a racist tune, absorbing feminist concerns and positions into neo-nationalistic, misogynist and xenophobic propaganda. The article examines the case of #120decibel as an instance of 'affective publics' (Lünenborg, 2019a) where forms of feminist protest and emancipatory hashtag activism are absorbed by anti-migration campaigners. Employing the infrastructure and network logics of social media platforms, the campaign gained public exposure and sought political legitimacy through strategies of dissonance, in which a racial solidarity against the liberal state order was formed. Parallel structures of networking and echo-chamber amplification were established, where right-wing media articulate fringe positions in an attempt to protect the rights of white women to be safe in public spaces. #120decibel is analysed and discussed here as characteristic of the ambivalent role and dynamics of affective publics in societies challenged by an increasing number of actors forming an alliance on anti-migration issues based on questionable feminist positions.

Schlagwörter:Populismus; populism; Rassismus; racism; Sexismus; sexism; Diskurs; discourse; politische Rechte; political right; #120decibel; Germany; affective publics; dissonant public spheres; feminism; hashjacking; migration; right-wing activism

SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/mediaandcommunication/article...

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: The present article is about Niqabi women belonging to the private Telegram instant messaging channel Orgullo Niqabi (Spanish for ‘Niqabi Pride’). More specifically, our main objective is to explain what they are demanding, how they articulate their demands through that channel, and why they use it for communicating and to organize their actions. Said demands are mainly linked to their recognition as autonomous and political individuals within the different contexts in which they find themselves. First, our analysis will focus on categorizing their social and political demands for being recognized, not only as Muslims, but also as autonomous, independent, and political beings. Second, we intend to explain how those demands, expressed in the virtual world, are articulated in specific actions in the different societies and social contexts in which these women live. To this end, this article analyzes, following the procedures of the Grounded Theory, the discourses obtained through 27 in depth interviews conducted in the first half of the year 2019. The strength of this research lies in overcoming the difficult access to these women and their discourses as well as in clarifying who they are, what they are demanding from the societies in which they live, how and why they are virtually grouped and the consequences of their virtual grouping in the different societies in which each of them lives.

Schlagwörter:woman; Digitalisierung; digitalization; Mobilisierung; mobilization; Fundamentalismus; fundamentalism; Individualität; individuality; Politik; politics; Niqabi pride; Niqabi women; Telegram; political individuals

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/socialinclusion/article/view/...

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: In unserem Beitrag steht mit #120db eine "Frauenrechts-Kampagne" der sogenannten "Identitären Bewegung" im Fokus. Die Identitären, die sich als Teil einer modernen rechten Bewegung inszenieren, nutzen vor allem digitale Medien im Zusammenspiel mit öffentlichkeitswirksamen Aktionen. Anhand einer Analyse des im Mittelpunkt der Kampagne #120db stehenden YouTube-Videos zeigen wir, wie die angeblichen Forderungen nach Frauen*rechten mit geschlechterbinären, rassistischen und antifeministischen Positionen verknüpft sind. Die zentralen Argumentationsmuster des Videos verorten wir im Rahmen von politischen und medialen Debatten, gesellschaftlichen Diskursen und kulturellen Deutungsmustern. Insbesondere finden sich im Video Bezüge zu Nationenund Kriegsdiskursen, zu ethnopluralistischen Positionen, zu medialen Inszenierungen im Kontext von Flucht und Migration sowie schließlich zu aktuellen Sicherheitsdebatten in Österreich. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Inhalte der Kampagne eng mit rechten Ideologien verknüpft sind, etwa im Hinblick auf völkische und identitätspolitische Diskurse. Darüber hinaus werden Gender, Migration und Gewalt verknüpft, um rassistische Politiken und Ausgrenzung zu legitimieren. Dies wird von einer De-Legitimierung und Abwertung feministischer Politiken begleitet.

Schlagwörter:Neue Rechte; The New Right; Rassismus; racism; Sexismus; sexism; Medien; media; Twitter; twitter; Facebook; facebook; Internet; Internet; Kampagne; campaign; Exklusion; exclusion; Diskriminierung; discrimination; Feminismus; feminism; Kritik; criticism; Diskurs; discourse; Identitäre, #120db; Identitarians

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, interaktive, elektronische Medien, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v11i3.06

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: In this article, we explore the collective identity of feminist activists as expressed on Twitter in the context of "Day Without A Woman". We conceptualize collective feminist identity by drawing upon literature on identity, feminism, and social movements. We expected to find a politically-defined group boundary around supporters of "Day Without A Woman". Using the online tool Netlytic, we collected tweets posted from accounts in Washington D.C., New York City, and Los Angeles. In a preliminary step, we performed a word count analysis and coded frequent words within the collected tweets into categories of meaning. Based on these categories, we drew a sub-sample of tweets, which we scrutinized in-depth using discourse analysis. Through this qualitative analysis, we show that the group boundary of the supporters of "Day Without A Woman" is defined by the common denominator of their negative relation to Donald TRUMP. While the supporters stress the relevance of feminist claims, barriers to identifying as a feminist seem to persist, as reflected in those whom we call "flexi-feminists". The boundary between supporters and non-supporters of "Day Without A Woman" hence seems to broaden from a line to a space which can be occupied without complete group entry. In this space and beyond, supporters express feminist identity through an "us" versus "him" logic.

Schlagwörter:Diskursanalyse; criticism; soziale Bewegung; social movement; twitter; analysis; Twitter; collective identity; USA; Feminismus; Präsidentschaftswahl; Kritik; presidential election; kollektive Identität; feminism; Analyse; United States of America; discourse analysis; contemporary feminism

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.php/fqs/article/vi...

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: Die vorliegende explorative Studie widmet sich dem Wahlverhalten von LGBTIQ-Personen im Kontext der Abgeordnetenhauswahl in Berlin (2016) und der Gemeinderatswahl in Wien (2015). Untersucht wird erstens die queer-politische Agenda der Parteien und zweitens das Wahlverhalten von LGBTIQ, einer bislang in der Wahlforschung weitestgehend ignorierten Bevölkerungsgruppe. Der Vergleich der untersuchten Wahlprogramme zeigt, dass queer-politische Themen Marker für Differenz und Konkurrenz im Parteienwettbewerb darstellen. Die Ergebnisse der Onlinebefragung zeigen, dass die Methode eines selbstselektiven Samples geeignet ist, um die politischen Präferenzen von LGBTIQ-Personen zu untersuchen. Die Parteipräferenz für grüne Parteien ist sowohl in Berlin als auch in Wien ausgeprägt. Jenseits dessen gibt es indes in Berlin wie auch in Wien LGBTIQ-Personen, die rechtspopulistische Parteien und Positionen unterstützen.

Schlagwörter:Queer Studies; queer studies; Wahlforschung; election research; Österreich; Austria; Federal Republic of Germany; Geschlechterpolitik; gender policy; Parteipolitik; party politics; Wahlverhalten; voting behavior; Gender; gender; LGBTIQ

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v10i3.09

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: Repräsentationskritik ist im feministischen politischen Denken und Handeln fest verankert - und dies nicht erst seit den 1970er Jahren. Vielmehr kann diese Kritik zumindest bis in das 19. Jahrhundert zurückverfolgt werden, wenn nämlich bislang marginalisierte Werke von Akteur_innen der deutschen Frauenstimmrechtsbewegungen Beachtung geschenkt wird. Mittels eines "rekonstruierenden Quellenstudiums" (Conradi 2015) können wichtige Rezeptionslücken in der feministischen Repräsentationstheorie zumindest ein Stück weit geschlossen und theoretische Kontinuitäten aufgezeigt werden. Vorrangiges Ziel des Beitrags ist es, die politische Ideengeschichte durch die Nachrezeption der Schriften aus der Frauenstimmrechtsbewegung zu bereichern. Eine Auseinandersetzung mit feministischen Repräsentationskritiken lohnt sich, denn diese können ein wirksames Instrument für die Realisierung politischer Gleichheit darstellen. Mit ihrer Hilfe können Repräsentationspraxen mit den ihnen inhärenten Ambivalenzen theoretisiert und oftmals verschleierte Herrschaftsverhältnisse aufgedeckt werden.

Schlagwörter:Frauenbewegung; women's movement; Wahlrecht; suffrage; Gleichheit; equality; Gleichberechtigung; equality of rights; Repräsentation; representation; Kritik; criticism; historische Entwicklung; historical development; Feminismus; feminism

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v27i2.03

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: Academic studies regarding the impact of various forms of gender representation focus largely on quantitative evidence that women in power can make a difference, downplaying qualitative case studies that can establish causal links between women's participation in government and better policies for women. Analyzing policy changes initiated by Germany’s first female Chancellor since 2005, the paper argues that despite her CDU-affiliation, Angela Merkel has contributed more to gender equality in Germany than all previous chancellors, even though she refuses to label herself a feminist. The author explores three factors shaping Merkel's reluctance to embrace the (western dominated) feminist label, e.g., her socialization under a diametrically opposed GDR gender regime, her preference for data-driven policy learning, her aversion towards “ideological” framing, coupled with a tendency to pursue mixed motives, respectively. The paper concludes with recent examples geared towards leveling the global gender playing-field, attesting to her willingness to embrace transformational representation.

Schlagwörter:woman; Politikerin; ; politische Entscheidung; political decision; Entscheidungsfindung; decision making; Repräsentation; representation; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Merkel, A.; Merkel, A.; Geschlechterpolitik; gender policy; Feminismus; feminism; Federal Republic of Germany

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v27i2.07

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: This paper examines the persistent gender gap in electoral politics at the local level in Buenos Aires, Argentina. I argue that the combination of the division of political work and existing social norms regarding the separation of domestic chores contributes to women’s political underrepresentation at the local level. Studying everyday politics in Buenos Aires, a clear division of political work between men and women was found. Only women were in charge of finding solutions to issues of domestic abuse and violence, and of taking care of children, the pregnant, and senior citizens. Using information from Buenos Aires municipalities, I document the gender gap in elected legislative and executive offices at the local level – as well as in non-elected offices within municipal cabinets. It was also found that the types of political work assigned to female activists and candidates reinforce existing stereotypes of women as mothers of the poor.

Schlagwörter:Argentinien; Argentina; Kommunalpolitik; local politics; politische Partizipation; political participation; woman; Repräsentation; representation; Politikerin; null; Stereotyp; stereotype; Geschlechtsrolle; gender role; Südamerika; South America

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/giga/jpla/article/view/1...

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz