Inhalt: The present work aims to analyze evidences of new identity procedures in Brazilian Pentecostalism, increasingly interpenetrated into the mediatization logics. Among the new procedures, the cyber Pentecostals assert themselves or establish themselves in the digital medias with a sense of an activist citizenship. Since it is a procedure that almost always seems to be autonomous and independent of institutional regulation, it also reaches the no churched: Pentecostals who left the temples for several reasons. For this analysis, we based ourselves in notions developed in the Latin current of Mediatization Studies, especially the works Eliseo Véron, Fausto Neto, Pedro Gomes and Luiz Braga. The corpus under analysis in the present article consist of posts of EIG (Evangélicas pela Igualdade de Gênero), a movement formed by/for women since 2015, mainly Pentecostals, aiming to promote discussions about the violence against woman.

Schlagwörter:Mediatisierung; Internet; religiöse Gruppe; religious movement; Brazil; Diskurs; discourse; religious group; religiöse Bewegung; Religiosität; virtuelle Gemeinschaft; mediatization; Brasilien; politische Partizipation; Kommunikationsverhalten; Digitale Medien; identity; religiousness; Identität; political participation; Internet; communication behavior; virtual community; Südamerika; South America; digital media; cyber Pentecostals; circulation; mediatization; nonchurched; gender

SSOAR Kategorie:Religionssoziologie, interaktive, elektronische Medien, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-55487-7

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: "Der Beitrag beleuchtet das Engagement von Frauen im Umfeld der Salafiyya. Dazu wird gefragt, auf welche Weise Frauen an der Politisierung der Salafiyya-Strömungen teilhaben. Um dieser Frage nachzugehen, werden in einem induktiven Vorgehen zentrale Beiträge von Frauen zur Verbreitung der Salafiyya-Ideologie analysiert. Zudem wird die Teilnahme der Frauen - durch soziale Netzwerke wie Facebook oder ägyptischen Medien - am Prozess der Politisierung der Salafiyya nach dem Aufstand von 2011 untersucht." (Autorenreferat)

Inhalt: "This article investigates women's involvement in the Salafi milieu. We ask how women follow and participate in the politicization of Salafi trends. To answer this question, we analyze, through an inductive approach, their important contributions in spreading Salafi ideology. Then, we investigate their participation - through social networks (e.g., Facebook, Egyptian media) - in the process of Salafi politicization in the aftermath of the 2011 uprising." (author's abstract)

Schlagwörter:Ägypten; Egypt; Islam; Islam; Politisierung; politicization; Revolution; revolution; woman; Empowerment; empowerment; politische Partizipation; political participation; religiöse Bewegung; religious movement; arabische Länder; Arab countries; Nordafrika; North Africa

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Religionssoziologie

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v9i1.03

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

SSOAR Kategorie:Religionssoziologie, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-58018-3

Dokumenttyp:Rezension

Inhalt: "Der Beitrag beleuchtet das Engagement von Frauen im Umfeld der Salafiyya. Dazu wird gefragt, auf welche Weise Frauen an der Politisierung der Salafiyya-Strömungen teilhaben. Um dieser Frage nachzugehen, werden in einem induktiven Vorgehen zentrale Beiträge von Frauen zur Verbreitung der Salafiyya-Ideologie analysiert. Zudem wird die Teilnahme der Frauen - durch soziale Netzwerke wie Facebook oder ägyptischen Medien - am Prozess der Politisierung der Salafiyya nach dem Aufstand von 2011 untersucht." (Autorenreferat)

Inhalt: "This article investigates women's involvement in the Salafi milieu. We ask how women follow and participate in the politicization of Salafi trends. To answer this question, we analyze, through an inductive approach, their important contributions in spreading Salafi ideology. Then, we investigate their participation - through social networks (e.g., Facebook, Egyptian media) - in the process of Salafi politicization in the aftermath of the 2011 uprising." (author's abstract)

Schlagwörter:Revolution; Islam; religious movement; Arab countries; Politisierung; empowerment; politicization; religiöse Bewegung; woman; political participation; Islam; Empowerment; revolution; Egypt; Nordafrika; arabische Länder; Ägypten; North Africa; politische Partizipation

SSOAR Kategorie:Religionssoziologie, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v9i1.03

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: The European Court of Human Rights decision in SAS from France illustrates how a policy and national mantra that ostensibly aims to enhance inclusiveness, ‘living together’, is legally deployed in a manner that may have the opposite effect. In essence, despite acknowledging the sincerity of SAS’s religious practice of wearing the niqab, and her agency in making the decision to do so, the Court focuses on radicalism and women’s oppression amongst Muslims. Taking the notion of living together as the beginning point, the paper explores the normative assumptions underlying this notion as illustrated in the judgment of the Court. An alternative approach, drawing on the work of Derrida for the notion of ‘living well together’ will be proposed and its implications for social inclusion explicated. The paper’s aim is to move beyond the specific example of SAS and France to argue that the SAS pattern of identifying particular values as ‘national values’, the deployment of those values through law, policy and public discourse, and their exclusionary effects is playing out in a number of Western democracies, including Canada, the country with which the author is most familiar. Because of this widespread dissemination of values and their framing as representative of who ‘we’ are, there is a pressing need to consider the potentially alienating effects of a specific manifestation of ‘living together’ and an alternative model of ‘living well together’. (author's abstract)

Schlagwörter:Frankreich; France; Gesetzgebung; legislation; Gesetz; act; Religiosität; religiousness; Religionsgemeinschaft; religious community; Religionspolitik; religious policy; Islam; Islam; kulturelle Identität; cultural identity; soziale Norm; social norm; Wertkonflikt; conflict of values; Exklusion; exclusion; Vorurteil; prejudice; Stereotyp; stereotype; woman; Muslim; Muslim; Kleidung; clothing; Menschenrechte; human rights; soziale Integration; social integration

SSOAR Kategorie:Religionssoziologie, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.504

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz

Inhalt: "Wie rechtfertigen Dschihadisten den bewaffneten Kampf, wie mobilisieren sie neue Anhänger und begründen ihre gesellschaftlichen Ordnungsvorstellungen? Der vorliegende Report erfasst zentrale moralische, politische, eschatologische und genderspezifische Rechtfertigungsnarrative dschihadistischer Salafisten. Diese dienen nicht nur der Legitimation von Gewalt, sondern auch der ideologischen Selbstvergewisserung und der Mobilisierung von Anhängern. Vor allem wegen dieser Mobilisierungsrolle ist es wichtig, die Rechtfertigungsnarrative zu identifizieren und ihnen verschiedene Gegennarrative gegenüberzustellen: von nicht-gewaltbereiten Salafisten, von Muslimen und Nicht-Muslimen. Der Report gibt daher sowohl einen Überblick über die vorhandenen Rechtfertigungsnarrative, als auch über die unterschiedlichen Gegennarrative. Er entwickelt daraus Empfehlungen an Politik und Wissenschaft." (Autorenreferat)

Inhalt: "How do Jihadists justify armed fighting and their ideas of social order? How do they mobilize new followers? This report summarizes moral, political and gender-specific narratives of salafi-Jihadists. These narratives are used to legitimize violence and mobilize supporters, but also for ideological self-assurance. Due to their role for recruitment, it is crucial to identify these narratives and come up with counter-narratives. Therefore several counter-narratives from non-violent salafists, Muslims and non-Muslims are addressed. The report also provides recommendations for politics and science." (author's abstract)

Schlagwörter:islamism; narration; Weiblichkeit; religious movement; gender role; Ideologie; mobilization; femininity; legitimation; religiöse Bewegung; Geschlechtsrolle; Mobilisierung; Islamismus; Narration; political violence; Männlichkeit; Legitimation; politische Gewalt; masculinity; ideology; Salafismus; Dschihadismus

SSOAR Kategorie:Religionssoziologie, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur

Verfügbarkeit:https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-46696-5

Dokumenttyp:Graue Literatur, Bericht

Inhalt: "The uprisings that led to regime change during the early period of the Arab Spring were initially inclusive and pluralistic in nature, with men and women from every political and religious orientation engaging actively in political activities on the street and in virtual spaces. While there was an opening of political space for women and the inclusion of demands of marginalized groups in the activists' agenda, the struggle to reimagine national identities that balance Islamic roots and secular yearnings is still ongoing in many countries in the region. This paper seeks to deepen understanding of the extent to which the pluralistic sentiments and openness to accepting the rights women have persisted following the uprising. We aim to examine changes in attitudes towards women's equality in countries that underwent regime change through popular uprisings during revolutionary upheavals of the Arab Spring and in countries where regimes have remained unchanged. Using available data from consecutive rounds of the Arab Barometer survey, we examine changes in attitudes in nine countries with two rounds of Arab Barometer during and post Arab Spring (Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine). We find that support for 'Muslim feminism' (an interpretation of gender equality grounded in Islam) has increased over the period and particularly in Arab Spring countries, while support for 'secular feminism' has declined. In most countries examined, relatively high degrees of support for gender equality co-exist with a preference for Islamic interpretations of personal status codes pertaining to women. We discuss the implications of these findings for academics and activists concerned with women's rights in the Middle East North Africa (MENA)." (author's abstract)

Schlagwörter:Nordafrika; North Africa; arabische Länder; Arab countries; Nahost; Middle East; politischer Wandel; political change; politische Partizipation; political participation; Islamismus; islamism; Säkularisierung; secularization; woman; Menschenrechte; human rights; Feminismus; feminism; Muslim; Muslim; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Einstellung; attitude; gender-specific factors; Einstellungsänderung; attitude change; Islam; Islam; Religiosität; religiousness; Arab democratic exceptionalism; Arab Spring

SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Religionssoziologie

Verfügbarkeit:https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i4.767

Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz