Empowering women through digital skills in Argentina: a tale of two stories
Titelübersetzung:Stärkung von Frauen durch digitale Kompetenzen in Argentinien: eine Erzählung aus zwei Perspektiven
Autor/in:
Martinez Demarco, Solange
Quelle: TATuP - Zeitschrift für Technikfolgenabschätzung in Theorie und Praxis / Journal for Technology Assessment in Theory and Practice, 28 (2019) 2, S 23-28
Inhalt: "Promoting gender equality is smart development policy," says the World Bank. In line with this narrative, many companies have promoted gender equality in terms of bridging the gender digital divide. In Argentina, a growing number of grassroots initiatives sponsored by corporations have emerged and provide training in digital and soft skills as well as entrepreneurship and leadership opportunities. Without denying the efforts, importance, and value of the work of these groups, this paper studies some of the contradictions inherent to the increasing power that corporations have in the discourse and practice of reducing the gender digital gap. My argument is that these projects contribute to reinforcing current economic, social, and geographical divides, to discriminating against gender non-conforming people, and to further limiting government intervention in this area.
Schlagwörter:Argentinien; Argentina; Digitale Spaltung; digital divide; gender-specific factors; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Empowerment; empowerment; woman; Entwicklungspolitik; development policy; Lateinamerika; Latin America; smart economics
SSOAR Kategorie:Wissenschaftssoziologie, Wissenschaftsforschung, Technikforschung, Techniksoziologie, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 9-25
Inhalt: Vor 100 Jahren erhielten Frauen in Deutschland das aktive und passive Wahlrecht und wurden damit de jure zu vollwertigen Staatsbürgerinnen. Das war das Ergebnis eines langen Kampfes. Gleichwohl ist de facto ihre politische Gleichheit bis heute nicht voll verwirklicht. Weder auf nationaler noch auf regionaler Ebene sind kontinuierlich mehr als 30% der parlamentarischen Abgeordneten weiblich. Die Implikationen für die substantielle und symbolische Repräsentation von Frauen werden in dem Beitrag diskutiert.
Schlagwörter:woman; Wahlrecht; suffrage; Deutsches Reich; German Reich; Federal Republic of Germany; Gleichheit; equality; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Parlament; parliament; Frauenanteil; proportion of women; Repräsentation; representation; Politikerin;
Die Saint-Simonistinnen: eine vergessene politische Bewegung und ein verdrängter feministischer Ansatz
Autor/in:
Krause, Skadi Siiri
Quelle: ZPTh - Zeitschrift für Politische Theorie, 9 (2018) 1, S 73-87
Inhalt: Obwohl die Saint-Simonistinnen fast vergessen sind, sind sie doch eine der ersten, wenn auch kurzlebigen autonomen Frauenbewegungen, deren Ideen bis heute für nicht abgegoltene politische Forderungen und uneingelöste Einsichten stehen. Im bewussten Gegensatz zu den bürgerlichen Anhängerinnen der Bewegung formulieren sie Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts das Ideal der finanziell und rechtlich unabhängigen Frau. Was sie verbindet, ist die Ablehnung eines Ideals von "Häuslichkeit", welches für sie die Rolle der Frau als Ehefrau und Mutter und die damit verbundenen sozialen, rechtlichen und politischen Schranken zwischen den Geschlechtern in doppelter Weise zementiert. Doch ihre Ansätze gehen weit darüber hinaus. Sie kritisieren den sozialen und politischen Ausschluss von Frauen der Arbeiterklasse, der zur Marginalisierung ihrer sozialen Handlungsfähigkeit und zur Verhinderung ihrer politischen Teilhabe führt. Ihr kurzlebiges Sprachrohr sind die Zeitschriften La Femme libre. Apostulat des Femmes (1832-1833) und La Femme nouvelle. La Tribune de Femme (1833-1834), die in diesem Artikel vorgestellt werden.
Schlagwörter:Frauenbewegung; women's movement; Feminismus; feminism; Wahlrecht; suffrage; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Ideengeschichte; history of ideas; Geschlechtsrolle; gender role; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Eherecht
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Sozialgeschichte, historische Sozialforschung
The Reluctant Feminist: Angela Merkel and the Modernization of Gender Politics in Germany
Titelübersetzung:Feministin wider Willen? Angela Merkel und Geschlechtergleichheit in Deutschland
Autor/in:
Mushaben, Joyce Marie
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 83-95
Inhalt: Academic studies regarding the impact of various forms of gender representation focus largely on quantitative evidence that women in power can make a difference, downplaying qualitative case studies that can establish causal links between women's participation in government and better policies for women. Analyzing policy changes initiated by Germany’s first female Chancellor since 2005, the paper argues that despite her CDU-affiliation, Angela Merkel has contributed more to gender equality in Germany than all previous chancellors, even though she refuses to label herself a feminist. The author explores three factors shaping Merkel's reluctance to embrace the (western dominated) feminist label, e.g., her socialization under a diametrically opposed GDR gender regime, her preference for data-driven policy learning, her aversion towards “ideological” framing, coupled with a tendency to pursue mixed motives, respectively. The paper concludes with recent examples geared towards leveling the global gender playing-field, attesting to her willingness to embrace transformational representation.
Schlagwörter:woman; Politikerin; ; politische Entscheidung; political decision; Entscheidungsfindung; decision making; Repräsentation; representation; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Merkel, A.; Merkel, A.; Geschlechterpolitik; gender policy; Feminismus; feminism; Federal Republic of Germany
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Addressing Supply-Side Hurdles to Gender-Equal Representation in Germany
Titelübersetzung:Angebotsseitige Hindernisse der gleichberechtigten Repräsentation in Deutschland
Autor/in:
Davidson-Schmich, Louise K.
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 53-70
Inhalt: One hundred years after being granted the right to active suffrage, German women remain underrepresented in elective office. Quotas have partially addressed demand-side barriers to gender parity in descriptive representation, but significant supply-side gaps remain. Men comprise over 70% of political party members in the Federal Republic, dominating the bodies that provide candidates for elective office. Solutions to this supply-side problem have often focused on “fixing” women to fit into gendered party institutions, rather than altering these structures to be more welcoming to women. In contrast, drawing on interviews with (potential) party members in Germany, this article identifies informal institutions that deter gender-balanced involvement in political parties and suggests ways in which these norms might be changed.
Schlagwörter:woman; Repräsentation; representation; politische Partizipation; political participation; Politikerin; ; Partei; party; Mitgliedschaft; membership; Frauenanteil; proportion of women; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Federal Republic of Germany
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Gendered Segregation in Danish Standing Parliamentary Committees 1990-2015
Titelübersetzung:Die geschlechtsspezifische Segregation parlamentarischer Ausschüsse in Dänemark 1990-2015
Autor/in:
Fiig, Christina
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 111-124
Inhalt: Denmark was among the first countries to achieve female enfranchisement to the national parliament (1915) and it is a society with a long tradition for gender equality policies and women’s rights. 100 years later, the Danish case gives grounds for reflections on gender balance, on segregation and positions occupied by women in national parliaments. Drawing on insights from literature on gender and politics and on parliamentary committees, the article asks what the gendered distribution of seats and chairs is in the Danish parliament, the Folketing, and what can explain these gendered patterns. To answer these questions, this article investigates the horizontal and vertical gendered segregation of standing parliamentary committees of the Danish parliament 1990-2015 based on an explorative, longitudinal study. The results show that the Danish parliament is characterized by both vertical and horizontal segregation in relation to parliamentary committees. Both categories of segregation are declining over time, but the analysis reveals interesting patterns of change and stability especially for the horizontal segregation. Several committees have an over-representation (social, education and research and health) and under-representation of women (defence, finance and transport). A number of committees are characterized by a share of 30-40% women. This category is especially interesting as it points towards a decline in horizontal representation.
Quelle: Comparative Population Studies - Zeitschrift für Bevölkerungswissenschaft, 43 (2018) , S 99-130
Inhalt: The two parts of the gender revolution have been evolving side by side at least since the 1960s. The first part, women's entry into the public sphere, proceeded faster than the second part, men’s entry into the private sphere. Consequently, many employed mothers have carried a greater burden of paid and unpaid family support than fathers throughout the second half of the 20th century. This constituted women's "second shift," depressing fertility. A central focus of this paper is to establish second shift trends during the second half of the 20th century and their effects on fertility. Our analyses are based on data on cohort fertility, male and female labor force participation, and male and female domestic hours worked from 11 countries in Northern Europe, Western/central Europe, Southern Europe, and North America between 1960/70 and 2000/2014. We find that the gender revolution had not generated a turnaround, i.e. an increase in cohort fertility, by the end of the 20th century. Nevertheless, wherever the gender revolution has made progress in reducing women’s second shift, cohort fertility declined the least; where the second shift is large and/or has not been reduced, cohort fertility has declined the most.
Schlagwörter:20. Jahrhundert; Italy; Netherlands; birth trend; fertility; Gleichstellung; Arbeitsteilung; Sweden; Familienpolitik; gender role; Familie-Beruf; Italien; Federal Republic of Germany; work-family balance; Kanada; Geschlechtsrolle; Norway; Geburtenentwicklung; labor force participation; Norwegen; Finnland; family policy; United States of America; Fruchtbarkeit; Erwerbsbeteiligung; Schweden; France; division of labor; Spanien; USA; Großbritannien; Finland; woman; Frankreich; Great Britain; Spain; affirmative action; gender-specific factors; Canada; twentieth century; Niederlande; two-part gender revolution; transformation of male breadwinner family model; women in public sphere; men in private sphere; women's second shift
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Bevölkerung
Women's Coalitions beyond the Laicism-Islamism Divide in Turkey: Towards an Inclusive Struggle for Gender Equality?
Autor/in:
Çağatay, Selin
Quelle: Social Inclusion, 6 (2018) 4, S 48-58
Inhalt: In the 2010s in Turkey, the ruling Justice and Development Party's (AKP) authoritarian-populist turn accompanied the institutionalization of political Islam. As laicism was discredited and labeled as an imposed-from-above principle of Western/Kemalist modernity, the notion of equality ceased to inform the state’s gender policies. In response to AKP's attempts to redefine gender relations through the notions of complementarity and fıtrat (purpose of creation), women across the political spectrum have mobilized for an understanding of gender equality that transcends the laicism - Islamism divide yet maintains secularity as its constitutive principle. Analyzing three recent attempts of women's coalition-building, this article shows that, first, gender equality activists in the 2010s are renegotiating the border between secularity and piety towards more inclusive understandings of gender equality; and second, that struggles against AKP’s gender politics are fragmented due to different configurations of gender equality and secularity that reflect class and ethnic antagonisms in Turkish society. The article thereby argues for the need to move beyond binary approaches to secularism and religion that have so far dominated the scholarly analysis of women’s activism in both Turkey and the Nordic context.