Die Saint-Simonistinnen: eine vergessene politische Bewegung und ein verdrängter feministischer Ansatz
Autor/in:
Krause, Skadi Siiri
Quelle: ZPTh - Zeitschrift für Politische Theorie, 9 (2018) 1, S 73-87
Inhalt: Obwohl die Saint-Simonistinnen fast vergessen sind, sind sie doch eine der ersten, wenn auch kurzlebigen autonomen Frauenbewegungen, deren Ideen bis heute für nicht abgegoltene politische Forderungen und uneingelöste Einsichten stehen. Im bewussten Gegensatz zu den bürgerlichen Anhängerinnen der Bewegung formulieren sie Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts das Ideal der finanziell und rechtlich unabhängigen Frau. Was sie verbindet, ist die Ablehnung eines Ideals von "Häuslichkeit", welches für sie die Rolle der Frau als Ehefrau und Mutter und die damit verbundenen sozialen, rechtlichen und politischen Schranken zwischen den Geschlechtern in doppelter Weise zementiert. Doch ihre Ansätze gehen weit darüber hinaus. Sie kritisieren den sozialen und politischen Ausschluss von Frauen der Arbeiterklasse, der zur Marginalisierung ihrer sozialen Handlungsfähigkeit und zur Verhinderung ihrer politischen Teilhabe führt. Ihr kurzlebiges Sprachrohr sind die Zeitschriften La Femme libre. Apostulat des Femmes (1832-1833) und La Femme nouvelle. La Tribune de Femme (1833-1834), die in diesem Artikel vorgestellt werden.
Schlagwörter:Frauenbewegung; women's movement; Feminismus; feminism; Wahlrecht; suffrage; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Ideengeschichte; history of ideas; Geschlechtsrolle; gender role; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Eherecht
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Sozialgeschichte, historische Sozialforschung
The Reluctant Feminist: Angela Merkel and the Modernization of Gender Politics in Germany
Titelübersetzung:Feministin wider Willen? Angela Merkel und Geschlechtergleichheit in Deutschland
Autor/in:
Mushaben, Joyce Marie
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 83-95
Inhalt: Academic studies regarding the impact of various forms of gender representation focus largely on quantitative evidence that women in power can make a difference, downplaying qualitative case studies that can establish causal links between women's participation in government and better policies for women. Analyzing policy changes initiated by Germany’s first female Chancellor since 2005, the paper argues that despite her CDU-affiliation, Angela Merkel has contributed more to gender equality in Germany than all previous chancellors, even though she refuses to label herself a feminist. The author explores three factors shaping Merkel's reluctance to embrace the (western dominated) feminist label, e.g., her socialization under a diametrically opposed GDR gender regime, her preference for data-driven policy learning, her aversion towards “ideological” framing, coupled with a tendency to pursue mixed motives, respectively. The paper concludes with recent examples geared towards leveling the global gender playing-field, attesting to her willingness to embrace transformational representation.
Schlagwörter:woman; Politikerin; ; politische Entscheidung; political decision; Entscheidungsfindung; decision making; Repräsentation; representation; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Merkel, A.; Merkel, A.; Geschlechterpolitik; gender policy; Feminismus; feminism; Federal Republic of Germany
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Addressing Supply-Side Hurdles to Gender-Equal Representation in Germany
Titelübersetzung:Angebotsseitige Hindernisse der gleichberechtigten Repräsentation in Deutschland
Autor/in:
Davidson-Schmich, Louise K.
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 53-70
Inhalt: One hundred years after being granted the right to active suffrage, German women remain underrepresented in elective office. Quotas have partially addressed demand-side barriers to gender parity in descriptive representation, but significant supply-side gaps remain. Men comprise over 70% of political party members in the Federal Republic, dominating the bodies that provide candidates for elective office. Solutions to this supply-side problem have often focused on “fixing” women to fit into gendered party institutions, rather than altering these structures to be more welcoming to women. In contrast, drawing on interviews with (potential) party members in Germany, this article identifies informal institutions that deter gender-balanced involvement in political parties and suggests ways in which these norms might be changed.
Schlagwörter:woman; Repräsentation; representation; politische Partizipation; political participation; Politikerin; ; Partei; party; Mitgliedschaft; membership; Frauenanteil; proportion of women; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Federal Republic of Germany
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Gendered Segregation in Danish Standing Parliamentary Committees 1990-2015
Titelübersetzung:Die geschlechtsspezifische Segregation parlamentarischer Ausschüsse in Dänemark 1990-2015
Autor/in:
Fiig, Christina
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 111-124
Inhalt: Denmark was among the first countries to achieve female enfranchisement to the national parliament (1915) and it is a society with a long tradition for gender equality policies and women’s rights. 100 years later, the Danish case gives grounds for reflections on gender balance, on segregation and positions occupied by women in national parliaments. Drawing on insights from literature on gender and politics and on parliamentary committees, the article asks what the gendered distribution of seats and chairs is in the Danish parliament, the Folketing, and what can explain these gendered patterns. To answer these questions, this article investigates the horizontal and vertical gendered segregation of standing parliamentary committees of the Danish parliament 1990-2015 based on an explorative, longitudinal study. The results show that the Danish parliament is characterized by both vertical and horizontal segregation in relation to parliamentary committees. Both categories of segregation are declining over time, but the analysis reveals interesting patterns of change and stability especially for the horizontal segregation. Several committees have an over-representation (social, education and research and health) and under-representation of women (defence, finance and transport). A number of committees are characterized by a share of 30-40% women. This category is especially interesting as it points towards a decline in horizontal representation.
Schlagwörter:Kommunalrecht; local law; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Gesetz; act; Behörde; government agency; woman; Gleichberechtigung; equality of rights; Kommunalpolitik; local politics; Kommunalverwaltung; municipal administration; Gleichstellungsstelle; office of equal opportunity; Frauenbeauftragte; women's representative; Gemeindeverfassung; community constitution
SSOAR Kategorie:Recht, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung
Quelle: Comparative Population Studies - Zeitschrift für Bevölkerungswissenschaft, 43 (2018) , S 99-130
Inhalt: The two parts of the gender revolution have been evolving side by side at least since the 1960s. The first part, women's entry into the public sphere, proceeded faster than the second part, men’s entry into the private sphere. Consequently, many employed mothers have carried a greater burden of paid and unpaid family support than fathers throughout the second half of the 20th century. This constituted women's "second shift," depressing fertility. A central focus of this paper is to establish second shift trends during the second half of the 20th century and their effects on fertility. Our analyses are based on data on cohort fertility, male and female labor force participation, and male and female domestic hours worked from 11 countries in Northern Europe, Western/central Europe, Southern Europe, and North America between 1960/70 and 2000/2014. We find that the gender revolution had not generated a turnaround, i.e. an increase in cohort fertility, by the end of the 20th century. Nevertheless, wherever the gender revolution has made progress in reducing women’s second shift, cohort fertility declined the least; where the second shift is large and/or has not been reduced, cohort fertility has declined the most.
Schlagwörter:20. Jahrhundert; Italy; Netherlands; birth trend; fertility; Gleichstellung; Arbeitsteilung; Sweden; Familienpolitik; gender role; Familie-Beruf; Italien; Federal Republic of Germany; work-family balance; Kanada; Geschlechtsrolle; Norway; Geburtenentwicklung; labor force participation; Norwegen; Finnland; family policy; United States of America; Fruchtbarkeit; Erwerbsbeteiligung; Schweden; France; division of labor; Spanien; USA; Großbritannien; Finland; woman; Frankreich; Great Britain; Spain; affirmative action; gender-specific factors; Canada; twentieth century; Niederlande; two-part gender revolution; transformation of male breadwinner family model; women in public sphere; men in private sphere; women's second shift
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Bevölkerung
Changing Gender Norms in Islam Between Reason and Revelation
Autor/in:
Bakhshizadeh, Marziyeh
Quelle: Opladen, 2018. 247 S
Inhalt: Women‘s movements in Islamic countries have had a long and arduous journey in their quest for the realization of human rights and genuine equality. The author examines whether discriminatory laws against women do in fact originate from Islam and, ultimately, if there is any interpretation of Islam compatible with gender equality. She investigates women’s rights in Iran since the 1979 Revolution from the perspectives of the main currents of Islamic thought, fundamentalists, reformists, and seculars, using a sociological explanation. The disputes about human reason and its relation to revelation can be traced in various Islamic schools of thought since the eighth century AD. However, the disputes have intensified since the eighteenth century when Muslims faced challenges to their faith and social order, brought about by modernity and enlightenment from the West. There were various reactions within the Islamic world. These reflections produced different interpretations of Islam that can be categorized based on their understanding of how compatible Islamic laws are with a specific time and space; as well as how they define the relationship between human reason and revelation. The three major interpretations of Islam within a spectrum are on the far right fundamentalists, in the middle reformists, and on the far left secularists; each having diverse views on the legitimacy and applicability of all Islamic law in modern times, and consequently having various perspectives on justice and gender equality. Accordingly, the author aims to investigate the different interpretations on Islam to find out which interpretations are compatible with the global norms of justice, and hence in accord to women’s rights and gender equality. In order to analyze the Islamic thought flows through a sociological perspective, a theoretical model is proposed based on theories of sociology of religion (Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann), Structuration theory (Anthony Giddens) and struggles related to universal norms of justice (Nancy Fraser, Axel Honneth, Seyla Benhabib). According to this theoretical model, there is a dialectical relationship between individual and structure. Religion, as a factor of structure, defines a framework of interaction for individual agents in personal and social life. Religion also offers a value and meaning system for human beings. On the other hand, human beings examine the patterns of interaction through 'reflexive monitoring,' and employing human reason and rational explanation. Therefore, human beings do not passively accept all patterns of interaction. In this model of dialectical relationship between individual and structure, justice means providing equal access to political, economic, and cultural resources in society and in the family. On this matter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women provide practical and universal criteria for the protection of human and women's rights, and ensure gender equality in society. Following the theoretical model, the research aims to reconstruct the main interpretations of Islam in three core issues of Islamic law, human reason, and women’s rights considering universal norms of justice.
Schlagwörter:Gender; gender; Islam; Islam; Menschenrechte; human rights; Diskriminierung; discrimination; religiöse Faktoren; religious factors; Gerechtigkeit; justice; Vernunft; reason; Gleichberechtigung; equality of rights; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; woman; Iran; Iran
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Religionssoziologie
Women's Coalitions beyond the Laicism-Islamism Divide in Turkey: Towards an Inclusive Struggle for Gender Equality?
Autor/in:
Çağatay, Selin
Quelle: Social Inclusion, 6 (2018) 4, S 48-58
Inhalt: In the 2010s in Turkey, the ruling Justice and Development Party's (AKP) authoritarian-populist turn accompanied the institutionalization of political Islam. As laicism was discredited and labeled as an imposed-from-above principle of Western/Kemalist modernity, the notion of equality ceased to inform the state’s gender policies. In response to AKP's attempts to redefine gender relations through the notions of complementarity and fıtrat (purpose of creation), women across the political spectrum have mobilized for an understanding of gender equality that transcends the laicism - Islamism divide yet maintains secularity as its constitutive principle. Analyzing three recent attempts of women's coalition-building, this article shows that, first, gender equality activists in the 2010s are renegotiating the border between secularity and piety towards more inclusive understandings of gender equality; and second, that struggles against AKP’s gender politics are fragmented due to different configurations of gender equality and secularity that reflect class and ethnic antagonisms in Turkish society. The article thereby argues for the need to move beyond binary approaches to secularism and religion that have so far dominated the scholarly analysis of women’s activism in both Turkey and the Nordic context.