Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to
raise fertility? : the first "YES"
Autor/in:
Toulemon, Laurent
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 179-200
Inhalt: "Together with three colleagues, the author has been asked by the MPIDR to debate
the following question: 'Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing
for gender equality to raise fertility?' Setting aside the 'lighthearted' side of
this 'Rostocker Debate', (12 minutes for each speech, one minute for each comment),
the author saws this as a good opportunity to think about the stakes behind the question.
In order to address this complex issue, it is necessary to think about the many 'preliminary
questions' that we have to ponder before responding: Why should fertility be raised?
Are political measures legitimate? Are they efficient? On what basis are we qualified
to give 'expert' opinions on such a topic? When the question comes to the fore, we
as scholars are sometimes asked to provide an answer. It would, of course, be more
comfortable not to answer, but our interlocutors (politicians, journalists, teachers,
and also funding agencies) often want a definite response one way or the other. Even
though our position may be a matter of politics as well as a matter of science, we
must give an answer. The empirical evidence shows that European countries where gender
inequality is lower are also the countries where fertility is the highest. This is
the evidence-based response that we can give to that question. European countries
need to find a new equilibrium after the end of the baby boom period, when gender
equality was very low. In all countries, the empowerment of women is underway, thanks
to the economic independence given by work-related income. Increasing gender equality
is an efficient way to reduce the opportunity costs of having and raising children,
and thus to increase fertility. Finally, 'pushing for gender equality' may have many
positive effects other than raising fertility, and has few negative side effects.
Gender equality is thus a convenient political aim per se; an institutional goal which
leaves many political questions open. So, yes, we agree that governments in Europe
should be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility!" (author's
abstract)|
Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to
raise fertility? : the first "NO"
Autor/in:
Philipov, Dimiter
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 201-216
Inhalt: "This paper takes the 'no' side in the debate on the question posed in the title.
The paper assumes that the dual-earner/ dual-carer household model is the most likely
aim of policies that push aggressively for gender equality in order to raise fertility.
Five objections are discussed: the model does not necessarily lead to a fertility
increase; aggressiveness will lead to an imbalance of labor supply and demand, and
is likely to confront slowly changing cultural norms; similar policies will also confront
the issue of innate gender differences; and country idiosyncrasies prevent the application
of a unified policy approach. The paper briefly concludes that compatible gender-neutral
family policies and fertility-neutral gender policies are likely to lead to an increase
in fertility." (author's abstract)|
Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to
raise fertility? : the second "YES"
Autor/in:
Oláh, Livia Sz.
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 217-224
Inhalt: "This paper is based on the authoress's contribution to a debate, organized by MPIDR,
on the question displayed in the title above. She was asked to present arguments for
the 'yes'-response (together with Laurent Toulemon, and arguing against the 'no'-side
represented by Gerda Neyer and Dimiter Philipov). As pointed out in the paper, the
most important theoretical reasoning relevant for this question is the gender equity
theory. A number of studies provide sound empirical support to it, as discussed in
the paper in details, and thereby also a rationale for a positive impact of increased
gender equality on fertility. As the dual-earner family is here to stay, and given
the well-known negative consequences of long-term very low fertility for a society,
pushing for gender equality seems to be a reasonable strategy to be considered aiming
for sustainable societal development." (author's abstract)|
Gender equality and fertility intentions revisited evidence from Finland
Titelübersetzung:Gleichstellung der Geschlechter und Fruchtbarkeitsabsichten, korrigierte Ergebnisse aus Finnland
Autor/in:
Miettinen, Anneli; Basten, Stuart; Rotkirch, Anna
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 469-496
Inhalt: "Stimulated by the recent debate on gender roles and men's fertility behavior (Puur et al. 2008; Westoff and Higgins 2009; Goldscheider, Oláh and Puur 2010), the authors present evidence from Finland as a country well into the second phase of the so-called gender revolution. They examine how gender role attitudes relate to childbearing intentions at the onset of family life, intentions to have many (3 or more) children, and high personal fertility ideals among low-parity men and women. Gender equality attitudes are measured for both the public and the domestic sphere and the influence of work and family orientation is controlled for. Finding signs of a U-shaped association among men, the authors conclude that both traditional and egalitarian attitudes raise men's expected fertility compared to men with intermediate gender attitudes and independently of family values. Among Finnish women the impact of gender attitudes is smaller and more ambiguous." (author's abstract)
Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility? : the first "YES"
Titelübersetzung:Sollen die Regierungen in Europa mehr für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter tun, um die Fruchtbarkeit zu erhöhen? : die Antwort ist "ja"
Autor/in:
Toulemon, Laurent
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 179-200
Inhalt: "Together with three colleagues, the author has been asked by the MPIDR to debate the following question: 'Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility?' Setting aside the 'lighthearted' side of this 'Rostocker Debate', (12 minutes for each speech, one minute for each comment), the author saws this as a good opportunity to think about the stakes behind the question. In order to address this complex issue, it is necessary to think about the many 'preliminary questions' that we have to ponder before responding: Why should fertility be raised? Are political measures legitimate? Are they efficient? On what basis are we qualified to give 'expert' opinions on such a topic? When the question comes to the fore, we as scholars are sometimes asked to provide an answer. It would, of course, be more comfortable not to answer, but our interlocutors (politicians, journalists, teachers, and also funding agencies) often want a definite response one way or the other. Even though our position may be a matter of politics as well as a matter of science, we must give an answer. The empirical evidence shows that European countries where gender inequality is lower are also the countries where fertility is the highest. This is the evidence-based response that we can give to that question. European countries need to find a new equilibrium after the end of the baby boom period, when gender equality was very low. In all countries, the empowerment of women is underway, thanks to the economic independence given by work-related income. Increasing gender equality is an efficient way to reduce the opportunity costs of having and raising children, and thus to increase fertility. Finally, 'pushing for gender equality' may have many positive effects other than raising fertility, and has few negative side effects. Gender equality is thus a convenient political aim per se; an institutional goal which leaves many political questions open. So, yes, we agree that governments in Europe should be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility!" (author's abstract)
Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility? : the first "NO"
Titelübersetzung:Sollen die Regierungen in Europa mehr für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter tun, um die Fruchtbarkeit zu erhöhen? : die Antwort ist "nein"
Autor/in:
Philipov, Dimiter
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 201-216
Inhalt: "This paper takes the 'no' side in the debate on the question posed in the title. The paper assumes that the dual-earner/ dual-carer household model is the most likely aim of policies that push aggressively for gender equality in order to raise fertility. Five objections are discussed: the model does not necessarily lead to a fertility increase; aggressiveness will lead to an imbalance of labor supply and demand, and is likely to confront slowly changing cultural norms; similar policies will also confront the issue of innate gender differences; and country idiosyncrasies prevent the application of a unified policy approach. The paper briefly concludes that compatible gender-neutral family policies and fertility-neutral gender policies are likely to lead to an increase in fertility." (author's abstract)
Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility? : the second "YES"
Titelübersetzung:Sollen Regierungen in Europa mehr für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter tun, um die Fruchtbarkeit zu erhöhen? : das zweite "Ja"
Autor/in:
Oláh, Livia Sz.
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 217-224
Inhalt: "This paper is based on the authoress's contribution to a debate, organized by MPIDR, on the question displayed in the title above. She was asked to present arguments for the 'yes'-response (together with Laurent Toulemon, and arguing against the 'no'-side represented by Gerda Neyer and Dimiter Philipov). As pointed out in the paper, the most important theoretical reasoning relevant for this question is the gender equity theory. A number of studies provide sound empirical support to it, as discussed in the paper in details, and thereby also a rationale for a positive impact of increased gender equality on fertility. As the dual-earner family is here to stay, and given the well-known negative consequences of long-term very low fertility for a society, pushing for gender equality seems to be a reasonable strategy to be considered aiming for sustainable societal development." (author's abstract)
Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility? : the second "NO"
Titelübersetzung:Sollen die Regierungen in Europa mehr für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter tun, um die Fruchtbarkeit zu erhöhen? : das zweite "Nein"
Autor/in:
Neyer, Gerda
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 225-250
Inhalt: "This paper argues against the suggestion that governments should push for gender equality more aggressively in order to raise fertility. The paper presents a threefold 'no' to this proposal. It takes issue with the goal of raising fertility, arguing that the claims that fertility must be increased are based on myths. It rejects a more aggressive pursuit of gender equality for demographic purposes, maintaining that this method preserves inequality. It warns against using gender equality for fertility purposes, stating that this narrows the realm of gender equality. The paper is based on a debate held at the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research in Rostock, at which the author was asked to argue against the gender equality-fertility proposal. The other participants in the debate were Laurent Toulemon ('yes'), Dimiter Philipov ('no'), and Livia Oláh ('yes')." (author's abstract)
Lässt sich Diversity Management erlernen? : Denkanstöße zur Kompetenzentwicklung an Hochschulen
Titelübersetzung:Can diversity management be learnt? : impact and implications of promoting and fostering diversity management at university level
Autor/in:
Sarter, Eva Katharina; Gonschior, Marieke; Nieter, Katharina
Quelle: Diversitas : Zeitschrift für Managing Diversity und Diversity Studies, (2011) Nr. 1, S. 19-26
Inhalt: "In einer sich globalisierenden Welt, in der sich der Wettbewerb um die 'besten Köpfe' zunehmend verstärkt und die Arbeitnehmerinnenschaft zunehmend divers ist, stellt der Umgang mit Diversität eine Herausforderung an Organisationen und Unternehmen dar. Diversity Management bietet hier einen Ansatz, integrative Strukturen zu schaffen und die gleichberechtigte Inklusion aller zu fördern. Welche Kompetenzen sind dabei für das Gelingen von Diversity Management zentral und inwiefern werden diese in der Ausbildung von Fach- und Führungskräften trainiert und vermittelt? Von besonderer Bedeutung ist neben Kommunikationskompetenzen und der Fähigkeit zu kritischer (Selbst)Reflexion eine Sensibilisierung für Ungleichheit und Diskriminierung. Diese Aspekte bleiben in der universitären Lehre bislang allerdings noch größtenteils unberücksichtigt. Die spezifischen Strukturen (deutscher) Universitäten stellen jedoch eine besondere Herausforderung für Diversity Management dar." (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: "Due to globalization and the competition for the 'best brains', diversity becomes increasingly important. Which competences are necessary in order to achieve a successful diversity management? Are these skills part of the curriculum offered at universities and which hindrances are standing against an inclusion? Communicative skills, as well as the ability to critically reflect an oneself are essential and central skills for diversity management. They are, however, not included in higher education and training. Furthermore, (German) universities' specific structures and organizational cultures pose an enormous challenge to managing diversity." (author's abstract)
Politische Repräsentation von Frauen in den Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union im Vergleich
Titelübersetzung:Comparison of the political representation of women in the member states of the European Union
Autor/in:
Hoecker, Beate
Quelle: Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen, Jg. 42 (2011) H. 1, S. 50-65
Inhalt: Auch am Ende der ersten Dekade des 21. Jahrhunderts ist die Politik noch eine Männerdomäne geblieben. Der durchschnittliche Frauenanteil in den europäischen Parlamenten liegt bei 24 %, nur 27 % der Kabinettsmitglieder sind weiblich. Die Angaben für die einzelnen Staaten sind jedoch sehr unterschiedlich. Auf der einen Seite zeigt sich die führende Stellung der nordeuropäischen Staaten bei der Frauenrepräsentation, auf der anderen die Defizite der neuen EU-Staaten auf diesem Gebiet. Die Unterschiede können durch die jeweils spezifische Konstellation institutioneller, kultureller und sozioökonomischer Faktoren erklärt werden. Positiv auf die Repräsentation von Frauen wirken sich eine frühe Einführung des Frauenwahlrechts, eine egalitäre politische Kultur, das Verhältniswahlrecht und eine ausgeprägte politische Partizipation von Frauen aus. (ICE)
Schlagwörter:Quote; EU-Staat; Parlament; Regierung; europäische Institution; institutionelle Faktoren; kulturelle Faktoren; sozioökonomische Faktoren; Nordeuropa; Ostmitteleuropa; politische Kultur; politische Partizipation; Europa; Gleichstellung
CEWS Kategorie:Europa und Internationales, Gleichstellungspolitik
