Vereinbarkeitspolitik als Karrierepolitik : empirische Befunde und theoretische Überlegungen
Titelübersetzung:Work-Life Policy as Career Politics : Empirical Findings and Theoretical Considerations
Autor/in:
Gottwald, Markus
Quelle: Gender : Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft, Jg. 6 (2014) H. 3, S. 26-42
Details
Inhalt: "Die rezente Vereinbarkeitsforschung legt vielfach nahe, dass Unternehmen auf die politische Erwartung, familienfreundliche Personalpolitik zu betreiben, überwiegend mit einem decoupling reagieren. Im Beitrag werden drei Organisationsfallstudien vorgestellt, die diesen Befund im Prinzip bestätigen, darüber hinaus aber Ergebnisse liefern, die sich mit dem neoinstitutionalistischen Erklärungsmodell nicht fassen lassen, u. a. Vereinbarkeitspolitik als Karrierepolitik. Die Fälle veranlassen dazu, das decoupling mit den Mitteln der pragmatistischen Differenzierungstheorie (Renn 2006) zu reformulieren - es lässt sich auch als eine kontextsensible Übersetzung verstehen. Dass sich darüber zu einer steuerungs-, herrschafts- und ungleichheitssoziologischen Analyse kommen lässt, führt der Beitrag am Material vor. Abschließend werden zwei Thesen formuliert, die das Vereinbarkeitsgeschehen in den Betrieben als nichtintendierten Nebeneffekt politischer Steuerung deuten." (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: "Recent research on the compatibility of family and work suggests decoupling as typical strategy businesses pursue with regards to societal expectations for family-friendly policies. The article presents three qualitative organizational case studies which basically confirm this diagnosis. However, it also brings to light findings that cannot be subsumed under the neoinstitutional explanatory model, including work-life balance policies as career policies. This gives rise to further theoretical considerations: Based on the pragmatist theory of differentiation (Renn 2006) this decoupling is reframed as context-sensitive translation. The case studies show that such a strategy opens up new possibilities of analysis: they can also be understood in terms of control theory, mechanisms of domination and inequality. The article concludes by proposing two theses which interpret the conditions for reconciling work and family life as unintended consequence of political regulation." (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Karriere; Politik; Familie-Beruf; Mehrfachbelastung; Familienfreundlichkeit; soziale Ungleichheit
CEWS Kategorie:Vereinbarkeit Familie-Beruf, Gleichstellungspolitik, Berufsbiographie und Karriere
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Wie wir dahin kamen, wo wir sind : Frauenbewegungen als politische Handlungsobjekte zwischen Realpolitik und Systemveränderung
Titelübersetzung:How we got to where we are : women's movements as objects of political action between realpolitik and systemic change
Autor/in:
Wichterich, Christa
Quelle: Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen : Analysen zu Demokratie und Zivilgesellschaft, Jg. 25 (2012) H. 1, S. 32-42
Details
Inhalt: "Christa Wichterich blickt auf die Frauenbewegungen der vergangenen 100 Jahre. Sie unterscheidet zwischen den 'alten' frauenpolitischen Bewegungen, die sich vor allem für die Gleichheit eingesetzt haben, und den zweiten Frauenbewegungen, die die Forderung nach Selbstbestimmung in den Vordergrund gerückt haben. Die zweite Bewegungswelle schuf eine politische Gegenkultur zu den etablierten Frauenverbänden. Gleichzeitig macht die Autorin deutlich, dass Frauenbewegungen immer Sammelbecken sind und keine homogenen Organisationen. Sie zeigt das Dilemma der Institutionalisierung von Frauenpolitik auf, die hauptamtliche Bewegte hervorbringt, die möglicherweise von der Basis abgekoppelt agieren. Und sie macht darauf aufmerksam, dass die Logik globalisierter Märkte zwar einerseits Raum für die individuelle Entfaltung der Frau bietet, dies andererseits aber auch zur Endsolidarisierung und damit zur Stabilisierung des neoliberalen Systems führt, das frau eigentlich verändern wollte." (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: "Christa Wichterich looks at the womens' movements of the past 100 years. She distinguishes between the 'old' political womens' movements, whose main goal was equality, and the second wave womens' movements, which focused on the demand for self-determination. The second movement wave created a political counter-culture vis-a-vis established womens' associations. At the same time the author makes clear that womens' movements are always melting pots rather than homogeneous organsations. She illustrates the dilemma of institutionalised womens' politics which create professional activists whose actions might be disconnected from the base. And she underlines that the logic of globalised markets, while on the one hand providing spaces for the individual flourishing of women, also leads to de-solidarisation and thus stabilises the very neoliberal system which women wanted to change." (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Frauenbewegung; soziale Bewegung; Politik; Systemveränderung; EU-Vertrag; Frauenpolitik; historische Analyse; Gleichheit; Globalisierung; Protestbewegung; Institutionalisierung; Neoliberalismus; Entsolidarisierung; Emanzipation; Transformation; politische Institution; nichtstaatliche Organisation; Lateinamerika; Professionalisierung; Entwicklungsland
CEWS Kategorie:Gleichstellungspolitik, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to
raise fertility? : the first "YES"
Autor/in:
Toulemon, Laurent
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 179-200
Details
Inhalt: "Together with three colleagues, the author has been asked by the MPIDR to debate
the following question: 'Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing
for gender equality to raise fertility?' Setting aside the 'lighthearted' side of
this 'Rostocker Debate', (12 minutes for each speech, one minute for each comment),
the author saws this as a good opportunity to think about the stakes behind the question.
In order to address this complex issue, it is necessary to think about the many 'preliminary
questions' that we have to ponder before responding: Why should fertility be raised?
Are political measures legitimate? Are they efficient? On what basis are we qualified
to give 'expert' opinions on such a topic? When the question comes to the fore, we
as scholars are sometimes asked to provide an answer. It would, of course, be more
comfortable not to answer, but our interlocutors (politicians, journalists, teachers,
and also funding agencies) often want a definite response one way or the other. Even
though our position may be a matter of politics as well as a matter of science, we
must give an answer. The empirical evidence shows that European countries where gender
inequality is lower are also the countries where fertility is the highest. This is
the evidence-based response that we can give to that question. European countries
need to find a new equilibrium after the end of the baby boom period, when gender
equality was very low. In all countries, the empowerment of women is underway, thanks
to the economic independence given by work-related income. Increasing gender equality
is an efficient way to reduce the opportunity costs of having and raising children,
and thus to increase fertility. Finally, 'pushing for gender equality' may have many
positive effects other than raising fertility, and has few negative side effects.
Gender equality is thus a convenient political aim per se; an institutional goal which
leaves many political questions open. So, yes, we agree that governments in Europe
should be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility!" (author's
abstract)|
Schlagwörter:Europa; Bevölkerungspolitik; Gleichstellung; Fruchtbarkeit; Einfluss; Auswirkung; Empowerment; Gleichgewicht; Politik; Ziel; Familie; institutionelle Faktoren
CEWS Kategorie:Gleichstellungspolitik, Vereinbarkeit Familie-Beruf, Demographie und Bevölkerungsfragen
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility? : the first "YES"
Titelübersetzung:Sollen die Regierungen in Europa mehr für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter tun, um die Fruchtbarkeit zu erhöhen? : die Antwort ist "ja"
Autor/in:
Toulemon, Laurent
Quelle: Demographic Research, Vol. 24 (2011) , S. 179-200
Details
Inhalt: "Together with three colleagues, the author has been asked by the MPIDR to debate the following question: 'Should governments in Europe be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility?' Setting aside the 'lighthearted' side of this 'Rostocker Debate', (12 minutes for each speech, one minute for each comment), the author saws this as a good opportunity to think about the stakes behind the question. In order to address this complex issue, it is necessary to think about the many 'preliminary questions' that we have to ponder before responding: Why should fertility be raised? Are political measures legitimate? Are they efficient? On what basis are we qualified to give 'expert' opinions on such a topic? When the question comes to the fore, we as scholars are sometimes asked to provide an answer. It would, of course, be more comfortable not to answer, but our interlocutors (politicians, journalists, teachers, and also funding agencies) often want a definite response one way or the other. Even though our position may be a matter of politics as well as a matter of science, we must give an answer. The empirical evidence shows that European countries where gender inequality is lower are also the countries where fertility is the highest. This is the evidence-based response that we can give to that question. European countries need to find a new equilibrium after the end of the baby boom period, when gender equality was very low. In all countries, the empowerment of women is underway, thanks to the economic independence given by work-related income. Increasing gender equality is an efficient way to reduce the opportunity costs of having and raising children, and thus to increase fertility. Finally, 'pushing for gender equality' may have many positive effects other than raising fertility, and has few negative side effects. Gender equality is thus a convenient political aim per se; an institutional goal which leaves many political questions open. So, yes, we agree that governments in Europe should be more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility!" (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Europa; Bevölkerungspolitik; Gleichstellung; Fruchtbarkeit; Einfluss; Auswirkung; Empowerment; Gleichgewicht; Politik; Ziel; Familie; institutionelle Faktoren
CEWS Kategorie:Demographie und Bevölkerungsfragen, Gleichstellungspolitik, Vereinbarkeit Familie-Beruf
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Gleichstellung in Deutschland im europäischen Vergleich
Titelübersetzung:Affirmative action in Germany in a European comparison
Autor/in:
Fuchs, Gesine; Bothfeld, Silke
Quelle: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte : Beilage zur Wochenzeitung Das Parlament, Jg. 61 (2011) H. 37/38, S. 7-18
Details
Inhalt: "Die Gleichstellung ist ein vielschichtiges Ziel, das neben gleichen Rechten und Pflichten auch gleiche Chancen auf Geld, Macht, Zeit und Anerkennung einschließt. Im europäischen Vergleich nimmt Deutschland eine Position im Mittelfeld ein." (Autorenreferat)
Schlagwörter:EU; Gleichstellung; internationaler Vergleich; vergleichende Forschung; Politik; Parlament; Partei; Quotierung; Bundestag; Arbeitsmarkt; soziale Sicherung; Teilzeitarbeit; soziale Ungleichheit; Wochenarbeitszeit; Arbeitsteilung; Statistisches Bundesamt; Diskriminierung
CEWS Kategorie:Gleichstellungspolitik, Europa und Internationales
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Familienpolitik ohne Gleichstellungspolitik? : zu einigen Paradoxien aktueller familienpolitischer Interventionen in Deutschland
Titelübersetzung:Family policies in conflict with gender equality? : reflections on paradox performances in the recent reform processes in Germany
Autor/in:
Veil, Mechthild
Quelle: Feministische Studien : Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Jg. 28 (2010) Nr. 2, S. 214-228
Details
Inhalt: "This article analyses the lack of gender equality within the realm of family policies in Germany due to the conservative corporate model of welfare-regime (Esping Andersen). Family policies in western Germany have promoted strong male breadwinner models which will become obsolete but [always] still persist. We argue that the recent turn in family policies which started at the beginning of this century can be seen as a late modernisation focussing on reforms which connect family policies with employment policy, and gender equality with the demands of employed parents. Two reforms, representative for this change are analysed in detail: the programme to significantly expand (of) publicly-provided childcare for young children (TAG) and the introduction of an earning-related parental benefit which strengthens the role of fathers as caregivers. Special attention is given to the expansion of family policies at the company level. Whether this 'economic turn' is actually having an additional impact on gender equality is highly disputed in feminist studies." (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Familienpolitik; Gleichstellung; Politik; Leitbild; DDR; vergleichende Forschung; Wiedervereinigung; Familie-Beruf; Elternschaft; Erwerbsarbeit; Kinderbetreuung; Tagesbetreuung; gesetzliche Regelung; Elterngeld; Betrieb; Reform
CEWS Kategorie:Demographie und Bevölkerungsfragen, Gleichstellungspolitik
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz