Quelle: Global Labour Journal, 10 (2019) 2, S 123-141
Inhalt: How do local labour market structures, in tandem with workforce dispositions and attitudes, influence the way multinational companies localise their standardised work and production systems? This article investigates the conflict-ridden factory regime of a lean automotive plant in provincial Russia at which the management was able to secure a relatively high level of consent among its female workers but not among male workers. In order to explain this gendered pattern of worker consent, the plant-internal gender division of labour and two societal factors proved crucial: the gendered segmentation of the local labour market and the workers' cultural dispositions. At the same time, the analysis points to the transformative effect that the company’s work and production system had on the local labour regime. The case study relies on a combination of quantitative survey data and qualitative interviews. It emphasises the need to reconnect the analysis of branch-plant factory regimes to a nuanced understanding of their embeddedness within local labour markets - also in the case of highly standardised work and production systems.
Schlagwörter:Russland; Russia; Fertigung; manufacturing; Lean Management; lean management; Arbeitsmarkt; labor market; regionale Faktoren; regional factors; gender-specific factors; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations; Beruf; occupation; soziale Position; social position; Berufszufriedenheit; job satisfaction; Ungleichheit; inequality; Personalpolitik; personnel policy; Arbeitsbeziehungen; labor relations; labour control regime; labour process; lean production
SSOAR Kategorie:Produktion, Fertigung, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung
Das Politisierungsparadox: Warum der Rechtspopulismus nicht gegen Entpolitisierung und Ungleichheit hilft
Titelübersetzung:Paradoxes of Politicization: Why Right-wing Populism is No Cure For Inequality and Depoliticization
Autor/in:
Dormal, Michel; Mauer, Heike
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 1, S 22-34
Inhalt: Der Beitrag kritisiert die bei linken Autorinnen und Autoren beliebte These, der zufolge der Rechtspopulismus trotz seiner problematischen Züge den politischen Möglichkeitsraum erweitere, indem er einen entpolitisierten Liberalismus überwinde und soziale Ungleichheit wieder auf die Agenda setze. Die im Beitrag vertretene Gegenthese lautet, dass der Rechtspopulismus selbst konstitutiv eine spezifische Form der Entpolitisierung und der Naturalisierung von Ungleichheit darstellt. Eine wichtige Dimension dieser Naturalisierung von Ungleichheit stellen die gesellschaftlichen Geschlechterverhältnisse dar. Die Angriffe auf die Demokratisierung der Geschlechterverhältnisse durch den Rechtspopulismus sind keine zufälligen Verirrungen, die dem Phänomen äußerlich wären. Vielmehr offenbart gerade die antifeministische Obsession, dass es dem Rechtspopulismus nicht darum geht, gesellschaftliche Verhältnisse zu politisieren, sondern darum, sie in autoritärer Weise zu stabilisieren. Um den Doppelcharakter zu fassen, der darin liegt, dass der Populismus zwar quantitativ durchaus für eine Mobilisierung vormals politikverdrossener Milieus sorgt, qualitativ aber maßgeblich die Entpolitisierung des Zusammenlebens betreibt, wird der Begriff des Politisierungsparadoxes eingeführt.
Inhalt: In this article, we criticize the idea put forward by many left-wing theorists, according to which right-wing populism, despite having wrong political ideals, helps to repoliticize inequalities and to bring back class issues onto the political agenda. We argue instead that right-wing populism itself constitutes a specific form of depoliticization and naturalization of social inequalities. To substantiate this claim, the article examines the attacks mounted by right-wing populists against the democratization of gender relations. The obsession of right-wing movements and parties with an antifeminist political agenda clearly reveals that right-wing populism is not working towards a real politicization of inequalities but rather an authoritarian stabilization of social relations.
Schlagwörter:Populismus; populism; politische Rechte; political right; Politisierung; politicization; Ungleichheit; inequality; Demokratie; democracy; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Allgemeines, spezielle Theorien und Schulen, Methoden, Entwicklung und Geschichte der Politikwissenschaft
Das Thema Gender im Rechtspopulismus - empirische Befunde zur Anschlussfähigkeit bei Frauen und Männern
Titelübersetzung:The Topic Gender in Right-wing Populism - Empirical Findings About Support Among Women and Men
Autor/in:
Küpper, Beate
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 1, S 61-75
Inhalt: Die Gleichstellung von Frauen und homosexuellen Personen ist ein guter Seismograph für die generelle Gleichwertigkeit und akzeptierte Vielfältigkeit einer Gesellschaft, eng verknüpft mit anderen Erscheinungsformen von Ungleichwertigkeit wie ethnischem Rassismus, Antisemitismus und der Abwertung von Muslimen. Es ist kein Zufall, dass sich derzeit gerade am Thema Gender die Gemüter erhitzen wie sonst an kaum einem anderen mit Ausnahme vielleicht des Themas Islam. Rechtspopulistische Akteur_innen wissen und nutzen dies zur Emotionalisierung von Debatten und zwar in beide Richtungen: Während einerseits Anstrengungen zur Gleichstellung verhöhnt und diskreditiert werden, wird andererseits der Verweis auf mangelnde Gleichwertigkeit von Frauen und homosexuellen Personen (und übrigens auch der Antisemitismus-Vorwurf) allein unter Muslim_innen genutzt, um Emotionen gegen Muslime weiter zu schüren, die als Feindbild derzeit besonders im Fokus stehen. Der Beitrag berichtet über Befunde aus der repräsentativen Mitte-Studie 2016 der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung zu rechtspopulistischen Einstellungen in der Bevölkerung mit einem besonderen Blick auf Frauen. Deutlich wird: Während offene Formen der Abwertung in den vergangenen Jahren kontinuierlich rückläufig sind, sind subtilere Formen nach wie vor virulent und es zeigt sich eine deutliche Polarisierung der Einstellungen. Wer rechtspopulistischen Einstellungen zustimmt, neigt auch eher zu traditionell sexistischen, homophoben, rassistischen und klassisch antisemitischen Einstellungen. Hierfür spielen vor allem Gefühle relativer Deprivation und kollektiver Bedrohung eine Rolle, die gezielt von rechtspopulistischen Akteur_innen angeheizt werden. Die Karte der Gleichwertigkeit wird, so die These, dann gespielt, wenn es nützlich erscheint, während gleichzeitig ein reaktionär-konservativer Backlash vorangetrieben wird und zwar keineswegs nur von Männern, sondern auch von Frauen. Dahinter steht der Versuch, 'hinter sich die Tür zu schließen', also die eigene Akzeptanz über die Abwertung anderer zu erhöhen. Den 'wütenden weißen Männern' und ihren Ehefrauen (und vielen anderen) scheint es dabei keineswegs um die Gleichwertigkeit aller zu gehen, sondern um die Absicherung des eigenen, gruppenbasierten Status.
Inhalt: The equality of women and LSBTQ-persons is a good seismograph for the general equality and the acceptance of diversity within a society, as it is strongly connected with other forms of inequalities like ethnic racism, antisemitism and the devaluation of Muslims. It is no surprise that currently the topic gender is particular able to heat up minds like hardly any other topic except for maybe the topic Islam. Right-wing-populist players know and use this to emotionalize debates in both directions: While on the one hand they mock and discredit efforts to reach more equality, on the other hand the reference to deficits of equality of women and homosexual persons (and also to anti-Semitism) pointing solely towards Muslims is used to heat up emotions against Muslims who are currently particulary targeted as enemy image. The paper reports about findings from the "Mitte-Studie 2016" by the Friedrich-Ebert-Foundation on right-wing-populist attitudes in Germany’s population with a particular perspective on women. Results show: While blatant forms of devaluation have decreased continuously during the last years, subtle forms are still virulent as well as there is a clear polarization of attitudes in the population. Those who agree on right-wing attitudes, also tend to traditional sexist, homophobic, racist and classic anti-Semitic attitudes. Here, feelings of relative deprivation and collective threat play an important role that right-wing-populist players heat up strategically. The card of equality is played, when it seems to be useful, while at the same time an unprogressive-conservative backlash is pushed further, not only from men but also from women. This assists the purpose to 'close the door' behind themselves, which means to increase one’s own acceptance through the devaluation of others. The 'angry white men' and their wives (any many others) do not seem to be interested in general equality, but in manifesting their own group-based status position.
Schlagwörter:Gender; gender; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations; gender-specific factors; Rollenbild; role image; Populismus; populism; politische Rechte; political right; Ungleichheit; inequality; Diskriminierung; discrimination; Exklusion; exclusion; Sexualität; sexuality; öffentliche Meinung; public opinion; Polarisierung; polarization; Federal Republic of Germany
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
A Discourse on Gender Disparity: A Study on Taluks of Belagavi District
Autor/in:
Manjunatha, N. K.; Hurakadli, S. M.
Quelle: International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development, 1 (2017) 5, S 1126-1131
Inhalt: The modern period witnessed the increased gender disparity reflected in sex-ratio, literacy and education, employment and wage-rates and several other sociocultural and behavioral indicators of empowerment (Nangia, 2005). Gender equality is more than a goal in itself. It is a precondition for meeting the challenges of reducing poverty, promoting sustainable development and building good governance - Kofi Annan (Personal, Archive, Mahanta, & Nayak, 2013). The present paper examines the extent of gender disparity in Belagavi District based on literacy and sex ratio using secondary data. We found that literacy rate in study area was 76.93% in 2001 which is increased to 82.90% in 2011 and sex ratio in the study area was 960 in 2001 which is increased to 973 in 2011. There are wide disparities from rural to urban sex ratio as well as rural to urban literacy rate. The urban sex ratio is higher than rural sex ratio in study area. The rural sex ratio is 970 and urban sex ratio is 979 females per thousand males in the 2011. We found that in Belagavi district, there is reduction in gender disparities from 2001 to 2011 but the reduction rate is very slow.
Institutional change and gender inequalities at labour market entry: a comparison of Estonia, Russia, and East and West Germany
Autor/in:
Kosyakova, Yuliya; Saar, Ellu; Dämmrich, Johanna
Quelle: Studies of Transition States and Societies, 9 (2017) 2, S 17-40
Inhalt: Our study investigates how gender inequalities in job opportunities evolved during communist and post-communist times in former state-socialist countries. Theoretical arguments (mainly based on studies referring to Western countries) led to the expectation of a surge in gender inequalities in these countries after the collapse of communism. Empirically, we explore the gender gap in job authority upon labour market entry by using life-history data from Russia, Estonia, and East Germany, with West Germany serving as a control case. The selection of countries was motivated primarily by the availability of rich life-history data, covering four decades of (post-) state socialism but also by divergences in institutional set-ups in the course of transition from state socialism to a liberalised market economy. Our findings yield four major results. First, accounting for education and the branch of economy, women were not disadvantaged during Soviet times; instead, we have even found evidence of a slight female advantage in Estonia and East Germany. Thus, our findings mirror the communist regime's effectiveness in equalising women's and men's opportunities at work. Second, in the pre-collapse decade, the advantage of women in terms of job authority decreased in East Germany and Estonia, whereas in Russia, women fell behind men. Third, with the Soviet Union collapse, a remarkable female disadvantage emerged in all formerly state socialist countries under scrutiny. In addition, we observe a growing gender gap in West Germany in the same period. The latter result strengthens the conclusion that times of economic liberalisation may go hand-in-hand with increasing gender inequalities.