Women's Coalitions beyond the Laicism-Islamism Divide in Turkey: Towards an Inclusive Struggle for Gender Equality?
Autor/in:
Çağatay, Selin
Quelle: Social Inclusion, 6 (2018) 4, S 48-58
Inhalt: In the 2010s in Turkey, the ruling Justice and Development Party's (AKP) authoritarian-populist turn accompanied the institutionalization of political Islam. As laicism was discredited and labeled as an imposed-from-above principle of Western/Kemalist modernity, the notion of equality ceased to inform the state’s gender policies. In response to AKP's attempts to redefine gender relations through the notions of complementarity and fıtrat (purpose of creation), women across the political spectrum have mobilized for an understanding of gender equality that transcends the laicism - Islamism divide yet maintains secularity as its constitutive principle. Analyzing three recent attempts of women's coalition-building, this article shows that, first, gender equality activists in the 2010s are renegotiating the border between secularity and piety towards more inclusive understandings of gender equality; and second, that struggles against AKP’s gender politics are fragmented due to different configurations of gender equality and secularity that reflect class and ethnic antagonisms in Turkish society. The article thereby argues for the need to move beyond binary approaches to secularism and religion that have so far dominated the scholarly analysis of women’s activism in both Turkey and the Nordic context.
Geschlechterverhältnisse und Wandel: Perspektiven und Strategien irakischer Frauenorganisationen
Titelübersetzung:Gender relations and change: perspectives and strategies of Iraqi women's organizations
Autor/in:
Henrizi, Annika
Quelle: GENDER - Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft, 9 (2017) 1, S 64-81
Inhalt: "Seit der Invasion der USA ist der Irak immer wieder von gewaltsamen Konflikten erschüttert worden. Feministische Autorinnen haben eindrücklich auf die schwierige Situation von Frauen in der irakischen Transformationsgesellschaft hingewiesen. Trotzdem sind Frauen zivilgesellschaftlich aktiv und setzten sich für gesellschaftlichen Wandel ein. Aus der Perspektive irakischer Informantinnen ist die schwierige Situation von Frauen im Irak eng mit problematischen Entwicklungen auf gesamtgesellschaftlicher Ebene verbunden. Strategien zur Veränderung ihrer Situation, auch im Hinblick auf Geschlechterverhältnisse, sind daher in breitere Konzepte von Wandel eingebettet. Daten aus eigener Feldforschung im Irak zeigen, dass Ideen von Wandel stark durch die soziale Positionierung von Frauen (insbesondere Geschlecht, Nationalität und Schicht) geprägt sind. In die Analyse der qualitativen Studie wird daher ein intersektionaler Ansatz nach Floya Anthias integriert." (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: "Since the US invasion in 2003, Iraq has faced multiple outbreaks of violent conflicts. In that context, feminist authors have stressed the extremely difficult situation of women in an Iraqi society that is undergoing transformation. Despite the difficulties that women are facing, they are actively engaging in change and the transformation of gender relations through NGO activism. As women feel that their situation is closely connected to issues that affect Iraqi society as a whole, strategies for changing gender relations are therefore embedded within broader concepts of social change. An empirical analysis of my own field research conducted in Iraq reveals that ideas about change are strongly influenced by the social positionality of women (in particular gender, nationality and class). Therefore, an intersectional approach (based on Floya Anthias) is incorporated into the qualitative analysis." (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Gender; gender; woman; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations; Frauenorganisation; women's organization; politische Partizipation; political participation; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Engagement; involvement; Irak; Iraq; politische Entwicklung; political development; sozialer Wandel; social change; Identität; identity; Konfliktregelung; conflict management; arabische Länder; Arab countries; Nahost; Middle East
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Herausforderungen und Potentiale geschlechtsspezifischer Gesundheitsversorgung: 3. Bundeskongress Gender-Gesundheit vom 21. bis 22. Mai 2015 in der Landesvertretung Baden-Württemberg, Berlin
Titelübersetzung:Challenges and Potentials of Gender-Specific Health Care: Third Federal Congress Gender Health, 21/22 May 2015, Representation of Baden-Württemberg to the Federation, Berlin
Autor/in:
Hendrix, Ulla; Hilgemann, Meike; Niegel, Jennifer
Quelle: GENDER - Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft, 7 (2015) 3, S 143-148
Inhalt: Der dritte Bundeskongress Gender-Gesundheit fand im Mai 2015 in Berlin statt. Das Schwerpunktthema der diesjährigen Tagung lautete "Gender und Diabetes". Auf dem Kongress wurde die Notwendigkeit einer geschlechterunterscheidenden Betrachtung der Medizin hervorgehoben und es wurden praktische und politische Implikationen für eine bessere medizinische Versorgung diskutiert.
Inhalt: The Third Federal Congress Gender Health was held in Berlin in May 2015. The main top ic of the conference was "Gender and Diabetes". The congress highlighted the gender-differentiated perspective on medicine and discussed practical and political implications for better medical care.
Mediating the female terrorist: Patricia Hearst and the containment of the feminist terrorist threat in the United States in the 1970s
Titelübersetzung:Die Medialisierung des weiblichen Terroristen: Patricia Hearst und die Eindämmung der feministischen terroristischen Bedrohung in den USA in den 1970er Jahren
Autor/in:
Third, Amanda
Quelle: Historical Social Research, 39 (2014) 3, S 150-175
Inhalt: In January 1976, the trial of Patricia Campbell Hearst caused a Western media sensation. Representing the culmination of her spectacular kidnapping and conversion to the terrorist cause of the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), Hearst was on trial for her participation in the Hibernia National Bank robbery almost two years earlier. As of the commencement of the trial, the story of the heiress-come-female-terrorist had been captivating Western media audiences for two years. This article analyses the ways that mainstream media coverage of this event operated to contain both the threat of this particular female terrorist, and the threat of second-wave feminism more broadly. Within Western culture, there has historically been a concern with the need to regulate the mainstream media’s coverage of terrorist events. In this line of thinking, the mainstream media are a precondition for, and a potential site of the contagion of, terrorism. However, as I demonstrate, ultimately, mainstream media coverage of terrorist events in which women are key protagonists operates to recuperate the threat of terrorism. In doing so, it reproduces and reasserts dominant patriarchal gender relations and thus works in the interests of dominant culture, rather than against them.
Schlagwörter:gender relations; gender; Mediatisierung; Berichterstattung; Gender; Massenmedien; Diskurs; discourse; USA; woman; Geschlechterverhältnis; Feminismus; political violence; terrorism; feminism; mediatization; reporting; politische Gewalt; Terrorismus; United States of America; mass media; Patty Hearst; second-wave feminism
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Medieninhalte, Aussagenforschung
Escaping/transgressing the feminine: bodies, prisons and weapons of proximity
Titelübersetzung:Weiblichkeit überwinden/überschreiten: Körper, Gefängnisse und die Waffen der Nähe
Autor/in:
Agra Romeo, María Xosé
Quelle: Historical Social Research, 39 (2014) 3, S 115-134
Inhalt: Assuming that gender relationships are essential to any analysis of terrorism and political violence, I shall examine how the sex-gender stereotypes work, as well as their transgressions. The female military protagonists in the Abu Ghraib media scandal and the women prisoners of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) during the dirty protest in Armagh (1980) are used as a framework in which issues of visibility/invisibility, independence/ dependence, invulnerability/ vulnerability of women will be addressed. The paper pays particular attention to both the violence against the body and also to the use of the body as a political weapon. From this perspective I analyse both the differences and similarities of menstrual blood as a weapon of proximity in both contexts. The two cases have in common the fact that they occurred in prisons and that women embodied non-traditional roles: soldiers, women political prisoners, allowing for reflection from feminist perspectives on the female inclusion in the citizenship, on participation in political violence and terrorism and on agency and autonomy.
Education gender gaps in Pakistan: is the labour market to blame
Autor/in:
Aslam, Monazza
Quelle: Economic Development and Cultural Change, 57 (2009) 4, S 747-84
Inhalt: Differential labor market returns to male and female education are one potential explanation for large gender gaps in education in Pakistan. We empirically test this explanation by estimating private returns to education separately for male and female wage earners. This article contributes to the literature by using a variety of methodologies (ordinary least squares, Heckman correction, two‐stage least squares, and household fixed effects) in order to estimate economic returns to education. The latest nationally representative data - the Pakistan Integrated Household Survey (2002) - are used. Earnings function estimates consistently reveal a sizable gender asymmetry in economic returns to education, with returns to women's education being substantially and statistically significantly higher than men's. The return to an additional year of schooling ranges between 7% and 11% for men and between 13% and 18% for women. There are also large, direct returns to women's education at low levels of schooling, and the education‐earnings profile is more convex for women than for men. However, a decomposition of the gender wage gap (into the component "explained" by differing male and female endowments and the residual component) suggests that there is highly differentiated treatment by employers. We conclude that the total labor market returns are much higher for men, despite returns to education being higher for women. This suggests that parents may have an investment motive in allocating more resources to boys than to girls within households.
"Blood tests with the eyes": negotiating conjugal relations during the HIV/AIDS crisis in rural Namibia
Autor/in:
Pauli, Julia; Schnegg, Michael
Quelle: Aridity, change and conflict in Africa : proceedings of an international ACACIA conference held at Königswinter, Germany, October 1-3, 2003. Köln (Colloquium Africanum), 2007, S 411-439
Inhalt: Research from different parts of Africa indicates that to grasp the HIV/AIDS catastrophe, an in-depth understanding of conjugal relationships is crucial. In casual, short-term sexual interactions, safer sex practices, foremost condom use, have become more and more prevalent. This does not hold true for long-term relationships. Marriage rates have substantially declined in many parts of southern Africa. Without marriage as a possible frame for conjugal relations meanings and practices of 'love' have become the structuring concept of conjugality. Love relations are perceived as based on trust. This contradicts the use of condoms, a visible sign of mistrust. Based on long-term ethnographic field research in rural northwest Namibia we analyse the interconnections between conjugal relations, perceptions of risk and practices of safe sex in detail.
Unzeitgemäße Utopien: Migrantinnen zwischen Selbsterfindung und Gelehrter Hoffnung
Autor/in:
Castro Varela, María do Mar
Quelle: Bielefeld (Kultur und soziale Praxis), 2007. 301 S
Inhalt: In der vorliegenden Untersuchung werden Migrantinnen nach ihren Utopien befragt, ihren "kleinen Träumen" und "großen Sehnsüchten" nachgespürt. Dabei gelingt es, die enge Verflochtenheit zwischen utopischem Denken und migrantischen Praxen herauszuarbeiten und Migrantinnen als kritisch-politische Mitglieder einer demokratischen Gesellschaft darzustellen. Die utopischen Beiträge erscheinen ungetrübt als paradox, naiv und gleichzeitig politisch radikal, strategisch durchdacht. Einseitige Forschungsperspektiven, die Migrantinnen entweder zu "Heldinnen" verklären oder sie in der Rolle als "Opfer" festzurren, werden hier gleichzeitig problematisiert und irritiert.