Corona, Care, and Political Masculinity: Gender-Critical Perspectives on Governing the COVID-19 Pandemic in Austria
Titelübersetzung:Corona, Sorge und politische Männlichkeit: Eine geschlechterkritische Perspektive auf das Regieren der COVID-19 Pandemie in Österreich
Quelle: Historical Social Research, 46 (2021) 4, S 50-71
Inhalt: The article departs from the contradiction that the importance of care for society was publicly acknowledged during the COVID-19 pandemic, but the pandemic response of the Austrian government did not challenge the structurally devalued status of care. In order to sustain the hegemonic patriarchal-capitalist governance of care and social reproduction in the pandemic government actors had to reframe care. We investigate government discourses that normalised its careless crisis management and interrogate the role political masculinity and affects played therein. Based on our analysis of a set of selected press conferences held in March 2020, we find that a new mode of rational-affective political masculinity was constitutive of the political management of COVID-19 crisis. With help of this hybrid mode of masculinity, political actors reinterpreted care first and foremost as healthcare and caring for the economy, and as caring for the population in terms of biopolitics. At the same time, caring tasks in the 'private' sphere were left to the personal responsibility of individuals and families. In order to generate consent, political actors frequently invoked affects that pertained to risk and danger on the one hand and solidarity and responsibility on the other.
Schlagwörter:Österreich; Austria; Pflege; caregiving; Reproduktion; reproduction; Gesundheitspolitik; health policy; Krisenmanagement; crisis management (econ., pol.); politischer Akteur; political actor; Männlichkeit; masculinity; Biopolitik; biotechnology policy; Hegemonie; hegemony; Gender; gender; rational-affective masculinity; reframing care; care for the economy; solidarity; nationality; Corona; COVID-19; global pandemic; biopolitics
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung
Inhalt: The present article is about Niqabi women belonging to the private Telegram instant messaging channel Orgullo Niqabi (Spanish for ‘Niqabi Pride’). More specifically, our main objective is to explain what they are demanding, how they articulate their demands through that channel, and why they use it for communicating and to organize their actions. Said demands are mainly linked to their recognition as autonomous and political individuals within the different contexts in which they find themselves. First, our analysis will focus on categorizing their social and political demands for being recognized, not only as Muslims, but also as autonomous, independent, and political beings. Second, we intend to explain how those demands, expressed in the virtual world, are articulated in specific actions in the different societies and social contexts in which these women live. To this end, this article analyzes, following the procedures of the Grounded Theory, the discourses obtained through 27 in depth interviews conducted in the first half of the year 2019. The strength of this research lies in overcoming the difficult access to these women and their discourses as well as in clarifying who they are, what they are demanding from the societies in which they live, how and why they are virtually grouped and the consequences of their virtual grouping in the different societies in which each of them lives.
Die Instrumentalisierung von Frauen*rechten in rechten Diskursen am Beispiel der Kampagne #120db
Titelübersetzung:The exploitation of women's* rights in rightwing discourses using the example of #120db
Autor/in:
Drüeke, Ricarda; Klaus, Elisabeth
Quelle: GENDER - Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft, 11 (2019) 3, S 84-99
Inhalt: In unserem Beitrag steht mit #120db eine "Frauenrechts-Kampagne" der sogenannten "Identitären Bewegung" im Fokus. Die Identitären, die sich als Teil einer modernen rechten Bewegung inszenieren, nutzen vor allem digitale Medien im Zusammenspiel mit öffentlichkeitswirksamen Aktionen. Anhand einer Analyse des im Mittelpunkt der Kampagne #120db stehenden YouTube-Videos zeigen wir, wie die angeblichen Forderungen nach Frauen*rechten mit geschlechterbinären, rassistischen und antifeministischen Positionen verknüpft sind. Die zentralen Argumentationsmuster des Videos verorten wir im Rahmen von politischen und medialen Debatten, gesellschaftlichen Diskursen und kulturellen Deutungsmustern. Insbesondere finden sich im Video Bezüge zu Nationenund Kriegsdiskursen, zu ethnopluralistischen Positionen, zu medialen Inszenierungen im Kontext von Flucht und Migration sowie schließlich zu aktuellen Sicherheitsdebatten in Österreich. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Inhalte der Kampagne eng mit rechten Ideologien verknüpft sind, etwa im Hinblick auf völkische und identitätspolitische Diskurse. Darüber hinaus werden Gender, Migration und Gewalt verknüpft, um rassistische Politiken und Ausgrenzung zu legitimieren. Dies wird von einer De-Legitimierung und Abwertung feministischer Politiken begleitet.
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, interaktive, elektronische Medien, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
We strike, therefore we are? A twitter analysis of feminist identity in the context of #DayWithoutAWoman
Titelübersetzung:Wir streiken, also sind wir? Eine Twitter-Analyse feministischer Identität im Rahmen von #DayWithoutAWoman
Autor/in:
Lommel, Lillan Sally; Schreier, Margrit; Fruchtmann, Jakob
Quelle: Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 20 (2019) 2, 33 S
Inhalt: In this article, we explore the collective identity of feminist activists as expressed on Twitter in the context of "Day Without A Woman". We conceptualize collective feminist identity by drawing upon literature on identity, feminism, and social movements. We expected to find a politically-defined group boundary around supporters of "Day Without A Woman". Using the online tool Netlytic, we collected tweets posted from accounts in Washington D.C., New York City, and Los Angeles. In a preliminary step, we performed a word count analysis and coded frequent words within the collected tweets into categories of meaning. Based on these categories, we drew a sub-sample of tweets, which we scrutinized in-depth using discourse analysis. Through this qualitative analysis, we show that the group boundary of the supporters of "Day Without A Woman" is defined by the common denominator of their negative relation to Donald TRUMP. While the supporters stress the relevance of feminist claims, barriers to identifying as a feminist seem to persist, as reflected in those whom we call "flexi-feminists". The boundary between supporters and non-supporters of "Day Without A Woman" hence seems to broaden from a line to a space which can be occupied without complete group entry. In this space and beyond, supporters express feminist identity through an "us" versus "him" logic.
Schlagwörter:Diskursanalyse; criticism; soziale Bewegung; social movement; twitter; analysis; Twitter; collective identity; USA; Feminismus; Präsidentschaftswahl; Kritik; presidential election; kollektive Identität; feminism; Analyse; United States of America; discourse analysis; contemporary feminism
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
LGBTIQ-Wähler*innen in Berlin und Wien: politische Präferenzen, Parteienwettbewerb und elektorale Resonanz
Titelübersetzung:LGBTIQ voters in Berlin and Vienna: political preferences, competition between political parties and electoral resonance
Autor/in:
Nève, Dorothée de; Ferch, Niklas
Quelle: GENDER - Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft, 10 (2018) 3, S 118-135
Inhalt: Die vorliegende explorative Studie widmet sich dem Wahlverhalten von LGBTIQ-Personen im Kontext der Abgeordnetenhauswahl in Berlin (2016) und der Gemeinderatswahl in Wien (2015). Untersucht wird erstens die queer-politische Agenda der Parteien und zweitens das Wahlverhalten von LGBTIQ, einer bislang in der Wahlforschung weitestgehend ignorierten Bevölkerungsgruppe. Der Vergleich der untersuchten Wahlprogramme zeigt, dass queer-politische Themen Marker für Differenz und Konkurrenz im Parteienwettbewerb darstellen. Die Ergebnisse der Onlinebefragung zeigen, dass die Methode eines selbstselektiven Samples geeignet ist, um die politischen Präferenzen von LGBTIQ-Personen zu untersuchen. Die Parteipräferenz für grüne Parteien ist sowohl in Berlin als auch in Wien ausgeprägt. Jenseits dessen gibt es indes in Berlin wie auch in Wien LGBTIQ-Personen, die rechtspopulistische Parteien und Positionen unterstützen.
Schlagwörter:Queer Studies; queer studies; Wahlforschung; election research; Österreich; Austria; Federal Republic of Germany; Geschlechterpolitik; gender policy; Parteipolitik; party politics; Wahlverhalten; voting behavior; Gender; gender; LGBTIQ
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Feministische Repräsentationskritik: (Dis-)Kontinuitäten von den ersten deutschen Frauenbewegungen bis in die Gegenwart
Titelübersetzung:Feminist critique of representation: (Dis-)Continuities from the first German women's movements to the present
Autor/in:
Cress, Anne
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 25-39
Inhalt: Repräsentationskritik ist im feministischen politischen Denken und Handeln fest verankert - und dies nicht erst seit den 1970er Jahren. Vielmehr kann diese Kritik zumindest bis in das 19. Jahrhundert zurückverfolgt werden, wenn nämlich bislang marginalisierte Werke von Akteur_innen der deutschen Frauenstimmrechtsbewegungen Beachtung geschenkt wird. Mittels eines "rekonstruierenden Quellenstudiums" (Conradi 2015) können wichtige Rezeptionslücken in der feministischen Repräsentationstheorie zumindest ein Stück weit geschlossen und theoretische Kontinuitäten aufgezeigt werden. Vorrangiges Ziel des Beitrags ist es, die politische Ideengeschichte durch die Nachrezeption der Schriften aus der Frauenstimmrechtsbewegung zu bereichern. Eine Auseinandersetzung mit feministischen Repräsentationskritiken lohnt sich, denn diese können ein wirksames Instrument für die Realisierung politischer Gleichheit darstellen. Mit ihrer Hilfe können Repräsentationspraxen mit den ihnen inhärenten Ambivalenzen theoretisiert und oftmals verschleierte Herrschaftsverhältnisse aufgedeckt werden.
The Reluctant Feminist: Angela Merkel and the Modernization of Gender Politics in Germany
Titelübersetzung:Feministin wider Willen? Angela Merkel und Geschlechtergleichheit in Deutschland
Autor/in:
Mushaben, Joyce Marie
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 83-95
Inhalt: Academic studies regarding the impact of various forms of gender representation focus largely on quantitative evidence that women in power can make a difference, downplaying qualitative case studies that can establish causal links between women's participation in government and better policies for women. Analyzing policy changes initiated by Germany’s first female Chancellor since 2005, the paper argues that despite her CDU-affiliation, Angela Merkel has contributed more to gender equality in Germany than all previous chancellors, even though she refuses to label herself a feminist. The author explores three factors shaping Merkel's reluctance to embrace the (western dominated) feminist label, e.g., her socialization under a diametrically opposed GDR gender regime, her preference for data-driven policy learning, her aversion towards “ideological” framing, coupled with a tendency to pursue mixed motives, respectively. The paper concludes with recent examples geared towards leveling the global gender playing-field, attesting to her willingness to embrace transformational representation.
Schlagwörter:woman; Politikerin; ; politische Entscheidung; political decision; Entscheidungsfindung; decision making; Repräsentation; representation; Intersektionalität; intersectionality; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Merkel, A.; Merkel, A.; Geschlechterpolitik; gender policy; Feminismus; feminism; Federal Republic of Germany
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Quelle: Journal of Politics in Latin America, 10 (2018) 3, S 3-27
Inhalt: This paper examines the persistent gender gap in electoral politics at the local level in Buenos Aires, Argentina. I argue that the combination of the division of political work and existing social norms regarding the separation of domestic chores contributes to women’s political underrepresentation at the local level. Studying everyday politics in Buenos Aires, a clear division of political work between men and women was found. Only women were in charge of finding solutions to issues of domestic abuse and violence, and of taking care of children, the pregnant, and senior citizens. Using information from Buenos Aires municipalities, I document the gender gap in elected legislative and executive offices at the local level – as well as in non-elected offices within municipal cabinets. It was also found that the types of political work assigned to female activists and candidates reinforce existing stereotypes of women as mothers of the poor.
Schlagwörter:Argentinien; Argentina; Kommunalpolitik; local politics; politische Partizipation; political participation; woman; Repräsentation; representation; Politikerin; null; Stereotyp; stereotype; Geschlechtsrolle; gender role; Südamerika; South America
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Addressing Supply-Side Hurdles to Gender-Equal Representation in Germany
Titelübersetzung:Angebotsseitige Hindernisse der gleichberechtigten Repräsentation in Deutschland
Autor/in:
Davidson-Schmich, Louise K.
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 2, S 53-70
Inhalt: One hundred years after being granted the right to active suffrage, German women remain underrepresented in elective office. Quotas have partially addressed demand-side barriers to gender parity in descriptive representation, but significant supply-side gaps remain. Men comprise over 70% of political party members in the Federal Republic, dominating the bodies that provide candidates for elective office. Solutions to this supply-side problem have often focused on “fixing” women to fit into gendered party institutions, rather than altering these structures to be more welcoming to women. In contrast, drawing on interviews with (potential) party members in Germany, this article identifies informal institutions that deter gender-balanced involvement in political parties and suggests ways in which these norms might be changed.
Schlagwörter:woman; Repräsentation; representation; politische Partizipation; political participation; Politikerin; ; Partei; party; Mitgliedschaft; membership; Frauenanteil; proportion of women; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Federal Republic of Germany
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Women Mobilizing Women: Candidates' Strategies for Winning the Presidency
Autor/in:
Reyes-Housholder, Catherine
Quelle: Journal of Politics in Latin America, 10 (2018) 1, S 69-97
Inhalt: Latin America has elected more female presidents than any other region in the world, yet dominant theories on campaigning tend to ignore gender. In addressing this lacuna, this article argues that the widespread belief that women are better at mobilizing women means that female candidates tend to invest more significant effort into cultivating a core constituency of women on the basis of gender identity. In contrast, male candidates tend to delegate women-mobilization tasks to female surrogates. An analysis of approximately 1,000 newspaper articles reveals that the “most different” female candidates in Chile and Brazil consistently met with female voters early in their campaigns, evoked gender identities and promised pro-women change. The “most different” male candidates enlisted their wives and female politicians to target women, defend their pro-women promises, and deflect accusations of sexism. The theory illuminates multiple ways in which viable female candidates’ entry into the political arena can improve women’s representation.
