Der affective turn: das Gefühlsdispositiv und die Trennung von öffentlich und privat
Autor/in:
Bargetz, Brigitte; Sauer, Birgit
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 24 (2015) 1, S 93-102
Details
Schlagwörter:Öffentlichkeit; Politik; affectivity; Privatsphäre; Affektivität; the public; Emotionalität; privacy; politics; öffentlicher Raum; public space; gender-specific factors; emotionality; emotion; Gefühl
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
The Political Representation of Women in Mass Media Discourse in the Czech Republic 1990-1998
Autor/in:
Havelkova, Hana
Quelle: Sociologický časopis / Czech Sociological Review, 7 (1999) 2, S 145-165
Details
Inhalt: Analyzes the role of various categories of intelligentsia in establishing the terms of public discourse, as well as specific & general perceptions of the gender dimension of Czech politics & gender stereotypes in the context of politics. Data are drawn from articles explicitly dealing with the subject in the major Czech dailies & selected magazines. A typology of the attitudes embodied in these articles is developed, & their authors classified in terms of profession, sex, age, & political affiliations. Analysis confirms that media workers are weak in their response to public opinion & use of experts, & are principally aligned with attitudes directly derived from the sphere of politics. In relation to the issue of the political representation of women, the media has affected public discourse by both opening it &, paradoxically, blocking it. Nevertheless, gender stereotypes have been undergoing special modifications in the context of political representation.
Schlagwörter:Czech Republic; Political Participation; Females; Mass Media Effects; Sexual Inequality; Intelligentsia; Discourse; Sex Stereotypes; Public Sphere; Social Attitudes
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Massenkommunikation, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Cultural dialogues in the good society
Autor/in:
Hellgren, Zenia; Hobson, Barbara
Quelle: Ethnicities, 8 (2008) 3, S 385-404
Details
Inhalt: Value conflicts involving gender equality are interwoven into current multicultural tensions in many European societies. They are at the core of these tensions in Sweden, in which gender equality and principles of individual human rights constitute the state profile and political identity. In this article, we focus on three cases of honor killings that became flash points for public debates on `culture and cultures' among political parties, immigrant groups and feminists in Sweden. The media fervor surrounding honour-related violence has provided xenophobic groups with political opportunities, but at the same time, the public debate has given visibility and opened up public space for immigrant women's groups. We conclude that the notion of the `good society' has kept at bay the recognition of overtly xenophobic parties, but it has also inhibited open dialogue across and within majority and minority cultures, which would allow for reflections upon the diversity within cultures, marked by religion, gender, class differences and generational conflicts.
Schlagwörter:culturization; ethnic relations; gender equality; multiculturalism; universalism; xenophobia;
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Migration
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
A Genderless Protest: Women Confronting Romanian Communism
Autor/in:
Petrescu, Cristina
Quelle: Annals of the University of Bucharest / Political science series, 16 (2014) 2, S 79-101
Details
Inhalt: Far from accomplishing its utopian plans of transforming society, communism did not turn gender equality into a reality either. This paper moves beyond the common-place approaches that simply underline the failures of this political system and presumes that women experienced communism in very diverse and often ambiguous ways, for public and private roles conflicted more often than not. From among the few individuals who dared to articulate critical thoughts on Romanian communism prior to its collapse of 1989, the present paper recuperates the experience of three women. Members of the urban educated elite, they believed nonetheless in different values and pursued different strategies of expressing discontent with the regime. These female critics of the communist system went beyond personal or group interests, but among the issues of public concern they raised none belonged to a feminist agenda. Yet, these women acted as if gender equality was a reality in Ceauşescu’s Romania: they considered themselves the equal partners of like-minded men, while their male peers accepted them as such, for equalitarian perceptions of genders shaped the public roles assumed by non-conformist Romanian intellectuals. The example of these three women does not prove that communism succeeded in redefining the status of women, but it illustrates how the urban educated social group experienced gender relations then. No feminists in thinking, these three women were so in their behavior. Their criticism of Ceauşescu’s communism was genderless, but it nonetheless strengthened the idea that women are no less than men.
Schlagwörter:Feminismus; feminism; Geschlechtsrolle; gender role; Widerstand; resistance; kulturelle Vielfalt; cultural diversity; woman; Dissident; dissident; Kommunismus; communism; sozialer Wandel; social change; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations; Rumänien; Romania
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Das Thema Gender im Rechtspopulismus - empirische Befunde zur Anschlussfähigkeit bei Frauen und Männern
Titelübersetzung:The Topic Gender in Right-wing Populism - Empirical Findings About Support Among Women and Men
Autor/in:
Küpper, Beate
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 27 (2018) 1, S 61-75
Details
Inhalt: Die Gleichstellung von Frauen und homosexuellen Personen ist ein guter Seismograph für die generelle Gleichwertigkeit und akzeptierte Vielfältigkeit einer Gesellschaft, eng verknüpft mit anderen Erscheinungsformen von Ungleichwertigkeit wie ethnischem Rassismus, Antisemitismus und der Abwertung von Muslimen. Es ist kein Zufall, dass sich derzeit gerade am Thema Gender die Gemüter erhitzen wie sonst an kaum einem anderen mit Ausnahme vielleicht des Themas Islam. Rechtspopulistische Akteur_innen wissen und nutzen dies zur Emotionalisierung von Debatten und zwar in beide Richtungen: Während einerseits Anstrengungen zur Gleichstellung verhöhnt und diskreditiert werden, wird andererseits der Verweis auf mangelnde Gleichwertigkeit von Frauen und homosexuellen Personen (und übrigens auch der Antisemitismus-Vorwurf) allein unter Muslim_innen genutzt, um Emotionen gegen Muslime weiter zu schüren, die als Feindbild derzeit besonders im Fokus stehen. Der Beitrag berichtet über Befunde aus der repräsentativen Mitte-Studie 2016 der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung zu rechtspopulistischen Einstellungen in der Bevölkerung mit einem besonderen Blick auf Frauen. Deutlich wird: Während offene Formen der Abwertung in den vergangenen Jahren kontinuierlich rückläufig sind, sind subtilere Formen nach wie vor virulent und es zeigt sich eine deutliche Polarisierung der Einstellungen. Wer rechtspopulistischen Einstellungen zustimmt, neigt auch eher zu traditionell sexistischen, homophoben, rassistischen und klassisch antisemitischen Einstellungen. Hierfür spielen vor allem Gefühle relativer Deprivation und kollektiver Bedrohung eine Rolle, die gezielt von rechtspopulistischen Akteur_innen angeheizt werden. Die Karte der Gleichwertigkeit wird, so die These, dann gespielt, wenn es nützlich erscheint, während gleichzeitig ein reaktionär-konservativer Backlash vorangetrieben wird und zwar keineswegs nur von Männern, sondern auch von Frauen. Dahinter steht der Versuch, 'hinter sich die Tür zu schließen', also die eigene Akzeptanz über die Abwertung anderer zu erhöhen. Den 'wütenden weißen Männern' und ihren Ehefrauen (und vielen anderen) scheint es dabei keineswegs um die Gleichwertigkeit aller zu gehen, sondern um die Absicherung des eigenen, gruppenbasierten Status.
Inhalt: The equality of women and LSBTQ-persons is a good seismograph for the general equality and the acceptance of diversity within a society, as it is strongly connected with other forms of inequalities like ethnic racism, antisemitism and the devaluation of Muslims. It is no surprise that currently the topic gender is particular able to heat up minds like hardly any other topic except for maybe the topic Islam. Right-wing-populist players know and use this to emotionalize debates in both directions: While on the one hand they mock and discredit efforts to reach more equality, on the other hand the reference to deficits of equality of women and homosexual persons (and also to anti-Semitism) pointing solely towards Muslims is used to heat up emotions against Muslims who are currently particulary targeted as enemy image. The paper reports about findings from the "Mitte-Studie 2016" by the Friedrich-Ebert-Foundation on right-wing-populist attitudes in Germany’s population with a particular perspective on women. Results show: While blatant forms of devaluation have decreased continuously during the last years, subtle forms are still virulent as well as there is a clear polarization of attitudes in the population. Those who agree on right-wing attitudes, also tend to traditional sexist, homophobic, racist and classic anti-Semitic attitudes. Here, feelings of relative deprivation and collective threat play an important role that right-wing-populist players heat up strategically. The card of equality is played, when it seems to be useful, while at the same time an unprogressive-conservative backlash is pushed further, not only from men but also from women. This assists the purpose to 'close the door' behind themselves, which means to increase one’s own acceptance through the devaluation of others. The 'angry white men' and their wives (any many others) do not seem to be interested in general equality, but in manifesting their own group-based status position.
Schlagwörter:Gender; gender; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations; gender-specific factors; Rollenbild; role image; Populismus; populism; politische Rechte; political right; Ungleichheit; inequality; Diskriminierung; discrimination; Exklusion; exclusion; Sexualität; sexuality; öffentliche Meinung; public opinion; Polarisierung; polarization; Federal Republic of Germany
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Elemente des Eingreifens in rechtsextreme Alltagspraxen junger Frauen
Titelübersetzung:Elements of interventions in everyday lives of right-wing-extremist young women
Autor/in:
Reimer, Katrin
Quelle: Psychologie und Gesellschaftskritik, 37 (2013) 3/4, S 73-93
Details
Inhalt: Die Notwendigkeit einer auf Mädchen und junge Frauen zugeschnittenen Rechtsextremismus-Prävention wird in jüngerer Zeit verstärkt wahrgenommen, eine subjekttheoretische, sozialwissenschaftliche und -pädagogische Aspekte verbindende Konzeption existiert jedoch noch nicht. Dieser Beitrag diskutiert Elemente des Eingreifens in rechtsextrem mitbestimmte Alltagspraxen von Mädchen und jungen Frauen.
Inhalt: Recently, the necessity of preventive measures with respect to right-wing-extremism among girls and young women has attracted more public attention. But a concept comprising theories of the subjects involved as well as their social context and subsequent pedagogical strategies has not yet been brought forward. This contribution discusses some elements of interventions in everyday lives of right-wing-extremist young women.
Schlagwörter:Rechtsradikalismus; right-wing radicalism; Alltag; everyday life; Mädchen; girl; junger Erwachsener; young adult; woman; Handlungsfähigkeit; capacity to act; Subjekt; subject; Selbstbild; self-image; Sozialpädagogik; social pedagogy; Prävention; prevention; Jugendarbeit; youth work; Geschlechterverhältnis; gender relations; politische Sozialisation; political socialization; Kindheitswissenschaften; Selbstfeindschaft; Rechtsextremismus; Geschlechterverhältnisse
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Sozialwesen, Sozialplanung, Sozialarbeit, Sozialpädagogik
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Corona, Care, and Political Masculinity: Gender-Critical Perspectives on Governing the COVID-19 Pandemic in Austria
Titelübersetzung:Corona, Sorge und politische Männlichkeit: Eine geschlechterkritische Perspektive auf das Regieren der COVID-19 Pandemie in Österreich
Autor/in:
Dursun, Ayse; Kettner, Verena; Sauer, Birgit
Quelle: Historical Social Research, 46 (2021) 4, S 50-71
Details
Inhalt: The article departs from the contradiction that the importance of care for society was publicly acknowledged during the COVID-19 pandemic, but the pandemic response of the Austrian government did not challenge the structurally devalued status of care. In order to sustain the hegemonic patriarchal-capitalist governance of care and social reproduction in the pandemic government actors had to reframe care. We investigate government discourses that normalised its careless crisis management and interrogate the role political masculinity and affects played therein. Based on our analysis of a set of selected press conferences held in March 2020, we find that a new mode of rational-affective political masculinity was constitutive of the political management of COVID-19 crisis. With help of this hybrid mode of masculinity, political actors reinterpreted care first and foremost as healthcare and caring for the economy, and as caring for the population in terms of biopolitics. At the same time, caring tasks in the 'private' sphere were left to the personal responsibility of individuals and families. In order to generate consent, political actors frequently invoked affects that pertained to risk and danger on the one hand and solidarity and responsibility on the other.
Schlagwörter:Österreich; Austria; Pflege; caregiving; Reproduktion; reproduction; Gesundheitspolitik; health policy; Krisenmanagement; crisis management (econ., pol.); politischer Akteur; political actor; Männlichkeit; masculinity; Biopolitik; biotechnology policy; Hegemonie; hegemony; Gender; gender; rational-affective masculinity; reframing care; care for the economy; solidarity; nationality; Corona; COVID-19; global pandemic; biopolitics
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Heterogenität, Fragmentierung und Handlungsmacht von Frauenrechtsaktivistinnen in Aceh, Indonesien
Titelübersetzung:Heterogeneity, Fragmentation, and Leverage of Women in Aceh, Indonesia
Autor/in:
Großmann, Kristina
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 22 (2013) 2, S 52-66
Details
Inhalt: "Aceh Nanggroe Darussalam, die nordwestlichste Provinz Indonesiens mit dem Beinamen 'Veranda Mekkas', befindet sich nach dem Tsunami im Jahr 2004 und der Beendigung eines fast 30 Jahre andauernden sezessionistischen Kampfes im Jahr 2005 in einem turbulenten Transformationsprozess. Acehische muslimische Frauenrechtsaktivistinnen entwickeln und rechtfertigen Visionen für ein neues Aceh, stellen Forderungen, konzipieren Strategien und setzen ihre Agenden um. Sie positionieren sich in Aushandlungsprozessen zwischen Religiosität, öffentlichem Raum, dem Nationalstaat und internationalen Konventionen. Allerdings sind sie auch enormen Herausforderungen ausgesetzt, die in einigen Organisationen zu Krisen geführt haben. Der Beitrag zeichnet die komplexe Postkonflikt-Situation von Aktivistinnen in Aceh nach. Trotz der von diesen beschriebenen 'Krise' frauenrechtlicher Organisierung sehen sie sich in der Lage, einen Wandel zu bewirken; die Provinz weist nach wie vor eine aktive frauenrechtliche Organisierung aus." (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: "Aceh Nanggroe Darussalam, the most Northwestern province of Indonesia with the nickname 'Makkah's veranda', finds itself in a turbulent transformation after the tsunami of 2004 and the end of an almost thirty-year long secession struggle in 2005. Acehan Muslim women's rights activists develop and legitimize blueprints of a new Aceh, put forward their demands, work out strategies and implement their agendas. They position themselves between religiosity, public space, the nation-state and international conventions. But they also face enormous challenges, which have led to a crisis in organizational engagement. The article examines the complex post-conflict situation of activists in Aceh. Despite the said 'crisis' in organizing for women's rights, activists believe in their ability to effect change; the province exhibits, so the author's argument, a constant organizational capacity for women's rights." (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Indonesien; Indonesia; Naturkatastrophe; natural disaster; Handlungsorientierung; action orientation; Handlungsspielraum; scope of action; woman; Frauenbewegung; women's movement; Frauenbild; image of women; Einfluss; influence; Ressourcen; resources; Muslim; Muslim; Islam; Islam; Frauenrechtlerin; feminist; Organisation; organization; Südostasien; Southeast Asia; Entwicklungsland; developing country; Asien; Asia
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Die Instrumentalisierung von Frauen*rechten in rechten Diskursen am Beispiel der Kampagne #120db
Titelübersetzung:The exploitation of women's* rights in rightwing discourses using the example of #120db
Autor/in:
Drüeke, Ricarda; Klaus, Elisabeth
Quelle: GENDER - Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft, 11 (2019) 3, S 84-99
Details
Inhalt: In unserem Beitrag steht mit #120db eine "Frauenrechts-Kampagne" der sogenannten "Identitären Bewegung" im Fokus. Die Identitären, die sich als Teil einer modernen rechten Bewegung inszenieren, nutzen vor allem digitale Medien im Zusammenspiel mit öffentlichkeitswirksamen Aktionen. Anhand einer Analyse des im Mittelpunkt der Kampagne #120db stehenden YouTube-Videos zeigen wir, wie die angeblichen Forderungen nach Frauen*rechten mit geschlechterbinären, rassistischen und antifeministischen Positionen verknüpft sind. Die zentralen Argumentationsmuster des Videos verorten wir im Rahmen von politischen und medialen Debatten, gesellschaftlichen Diskursen und kulturellen Deutungsmustern. Insbesondere finden sich im Video Bezüge zu Nationenund Kriegsdiskursen, zu ethnopluralistischen Positionen, zu medialen Inszenierungen im Kontext von Flucht und Migration sowie schließlich zu aktuellen Sicherheitsdebatten in Österreich. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Inhalte der Kampagne eng mit rechten Ideologien verknüpft sind, etwa im Hinblick auf völkische und identitätspolitische Diskurse. Darüber hinaus werden Gender, Migration und Gewalt verknüpft, um rassistische Politiken und Ausgrenzung zu legitimieren. Dies wird von einer De-Legitimierung und Abwertung feministischer Politiken begleitet.
Schlagwörter:Neue Rechte; The New Right; Rassismus; racism; Sexismus; sexism; Medien; media; Twitter; twitter; Facebook; facebook; Internet; Internet; Kampagne; campaign; Exklusion; exclusion; Diskriminierung; discrimination; Feminismus; feminism; Kritik; criticism; Diskurs; discourse; Identitäre, #120db; Identitarians
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, interaktive, elektronische Medien, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Pitching Gender in a Racist Tune: The Affective Publics of the #120decibel Campaign
Autor/in:
Adlung, Shari; Lünenborg, Margreth; Raetzsch, Christoph
Quelle: Media and Communication, 9 (2021) 2, S 16-26
Details
Inhalt: This article analyses the changed structures, actors and modes of communication that characterise 'dissonant public spheres.' With the #120decibel campaign by the German Identitarian Movement in 2018, gender and migration were pitched in a racist tune, absorbing feminist concerns and positions into neo-nationalistic, misogynist and xenophobic propaganda. The article examines the case of #120decibel as an instance of 'affective publics' (Lünenborg, 2019a) where forms of feminist protest and emancipatory hashtag activism are absorbed by anti-migration campaigners. Employing the infrastructure and network logics of social media platforms, the campaign gained public exposure and sought political legitimacy through strategies of dissonance, in which a racial solidarity against the liberal state order was formed. Parallel structures of networking and echo-chamber amplification were established, where right-wing media articulate fringe positions in an attempt to protect the rights of white women to be safe in public spaces. #120decibel is analysed and discussed here as characteristic of the ambivalent role and dynamics of affective publics in societies challenged by an increasing number of actors forming an alliance on anti-migration issues based on questionable feminist positions.
Schlagwörter:Populismus; populism; Rassismus; racism; Sexismus; sexism; Diskurs; discourse; politische Rechte; political right; #120decibel; Germany; affective publics; dissonant public spheres; feminism; hashjacking; migration; right-wing activism
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Jammu & Kashmir's repeated reaffirmed faith in the democratic setup of India: a study of the state's public participation in the general elections of India (1967-2014)
Autor/in:
Pandita, Ramesh
Quelle: International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences, (2015) 51, S 125-138
Details
Inhalt: Purpose: - The up-rise of social unrest in the state of Jammu & Kashmir (the federal constituent of the Union of India) towards the end of the 20th century with the demand to secede from the union of India has somewhere earned the Jammu & Kashmir as a conflict zone in the South Asia. The present study has been conceived to examine the public participation of the Jammu & Kashmir state in the democratic process of the country, by participating in the general elections of India (A referendum or plebiscite of its own kind, whereby people of the state, time and again have reaffirmed their faith in the democratic process of the country) since its accession with the union of India. Some of the aspects evaluated in the present study include, electoral participation, participation of national and local level political parties, participation and performance of national level political parties, representation given to women candidates, etc.Scope: - The study is confined to the state of Jammu & Kashmir, India and the findings have direct bearing with the state, which has altogether a different geopolitical setup, where public interests stand safeguarded by the constitution of India under article 370. There is every need to observe caution, while generalizing the findings of the study.Methodology/Approach: - The study is empirical in nature, undertaken on the secondary data, retrieved from the official website of the Election Commission of India on August 02, 2014.Findings: - The state of Jammu and Kashmir has so far undergone through 12 general elections in the country. The average voter turnout during these elections from the state remained about 46,76%. At gender level the average voter turnout percentage among males remained 60% & for females 39,90%, which compared to voter turnout at national level during the same period at gender level remained 62,39% and 55,45% respectively. The voter turnout percentage from the state remained far better than various other states of the country for the same period. The threat perception to not to participate in the electoral process of the country that prevailed over state populace post 1989 got reflected in the subsequent 7 general elections held in the state, especially among female folk, resulting decline in their turnout percentage, when compared to their male counterparts.Social Implications: - The study is an eye opener to the public at large and to those, who are abetting the Jammu & Kashmir’s secession movement by crying that the state is devoid of democracy. The secession movement which is being backed by the money & the munitions questions its own credibility & justification.
Schlagwörter:Indien; India; Parlamentswahl; parliamentary election; Demokratie; democracy; Sezession; secession; politische Bewegung; political movement; Wahlbeteiligung; voter turnout; Staat; national state; Partei; party; Volksabstimmung; plebiscite; öffentliches Interesse; public interest; Kaschmir; Jammu
SSOAR Kategorie:politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Public Participation in the General Elections of India: An Overview since 1951
Autor/in:
Pandita, Ramesh
Quelle: International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences, (2015) 64, S 17-34
Details
Inhalt: Democratic process of any country is based on the participation of the public to form the government through their elected representatives, and the nation having an electoral system in place to choose their representatives can be termed as a nation living true to its democratic essence, while as, the nation elusive of ground level public participation in forming governments can never be termed as living true to democratic colour. The present study is an attempt to understand the electoral process of India, the public participation in the democratic process of the country, which is already fifteen general elections old, lasted over the period 1951 to 2014. Attempt has been made to understand the areas like, growth of parties over the period of time, seat distribution, reservation of seats, electoral participation, polling stations, performance of major national political parties along with electoral turnout both collectively and on gender basis etc. Existence of the multi party system in India and the growth in parties over a period of time gets equally reflected by the fact that in 1951, 54 parties participated in the electoral process and the number grew up to 466 in 2014, reflecting a growth of over 792%. During all the general elections contested by candidates 77.43% contestants forfeited their deposits with an average of 135 political parties contested each general election. Over 80.45% elected candidates to the parliament during all the general elections held so far, represent national parties.
Schlagwörter:Indien; India; Mehrparteiensystem; multi-party system; Parlamentswahl; parliamentary election; Wahlbeteiligung; voter turnout; Wahlsystem; electoral system; Demokratie; democracy; Bundesstaat; federal state; politisches System; political system; Südasien; South Asia; Electoral Process; Federal Structure; General Elections
SSOAR Kategorie:Staat, staatliche Organisationsformen, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Frauen bei den Kommunalwahlen 2004 in Baden-Württemberg
Autor/in:
Hin, Monika; Michel, Nicole
Quelle: Statistisches Monatsheft Baden-Württemberg, (2004) 9, S 14-17
Details
Schlagwörter:woman; Kommunalwahl; local election; Baden-Württemberg; Baden-Württemberg; Gemeindeparlament; municipal council; Frauenanteil; proportion of women; Kandidatur; candidacy; Amt; public office; politische Aktivität; political activity; Partei; party; Federal Republic of Germany; regionaler Unterschied; regional difference
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
The compatibility of women's involvement in politics and the process of Euro-integration in the modern Georgian reality
Autor/in:
Darchashvili, Manana; Alaverdov, Emilia
Quelle: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, 2 (2016) 2, S 65-73
Details
Inhalt: Nowadays, women’s involvement in politics is a quite hot discussion topic among public associations and politicians. It is highlighted in various events. It is a fact that the country has to make certain legislative changes for the purpose of women’s (political) activation. It will help to fulfill the international obligations, and to establish (some/additional/further) democratic principles in Georgia and accelerate the country’s process of European integration at the same time. Based on the attitude of women’s political engagement issue in Georgia, with the support of Georgia’s Euro-integration strategy, public organizations and politicians, public awareness and the certain support of political parties, it is possible that in the nearest future the mentioned issue will be given wider resonance and it will be defined the legislative level in order to be more supported, what will add to growth of the women’s engagement.
Schlagwörter:woman; politische Partizipation; political participation; politische Aktivität; political activity; Politikerin; ; Quotierung; quotation; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Frauenförderung; advancement of women; Georgien; Georgia; europäische Integration; European integration
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Between Feminism and the Catholic Church: The Women's Movement in Poland
Autor/in:
Fuszara, Malgorzata
Quelle: Sociologický časopis / Czech Sociological Review, 41 (2005) 6, S 1057-1075
Details
Inhalt: This article looks at Polish women's movements in the context of how women's & social movements are defined theoretically & in the light of the development of the women's movement in Poland historically. It examines how the women's movement fits into Polish society in the light of public opinion on the women's movement, women's rights & issues of equality, also looking at how these views evolved over the 1990s, & the reasons behind them. It explores the different types of women's movements that exist in Poland, differentiating between them in terms of how much they conform to definitions of 'traditional' & 'new' social movements & in terms of the role they play in effectuating change, their relationships with domestic & international organisations, their relationship to the Catholic Church, their strategies, their formal & informal nature, & other distinguishing criteria.
Schlagwörter:Churches; Poland; Religion Politics Relationship; Roman Catholicism; Feminism; Womens Groups; Womens History
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Women on the Steering Wheel: Identifying the Potentials of Women in Improving the Protection of Indonesian Women Migrant Workers
Autor/in:
Yazid, Sylvia; Dewi, Elisabeth S.
Quelle: Journal of ASEAN Studies, 3 (2015) 2, S 102-115
Details
Inhalt: This paper is based on a research that looked into the potentials of women as stakeholders in improving the protection of Indonesian women migrant workers abroad. It was designed based on the assumptions that an identification of the potentials of women at various levels and in various institutions may positively contribute to the efforts of finding solutions for the problems faced by women migrant workers and that rather than being seen merely as victims, women should be seen as actors who can actively participate in addressing the problems. This paper analyzes efforts made by a number of Indonesian women who are publicly recognized for their works in promoting the protection of Indonesian women migrant workers, both as state and non-state actors in the context of policy making. The focus is on how these women perceive the extend to which their efforts have been able to influence the policy making process. The discussion also includes how the women responded to the challenges and opportunities that they encounter as part of their learning process. The data for this paper was gathered through interviews with six prominent woman figures who are known for their work on the issue of women migrant workers. While confirming that as actors outside the government these women have made efforts to influence the policy making process, this paper showcases that the actual impact of their efforts is highly determined by the policy environment.
Schlagwörter:labor migration; Menschenrechte; women's policy; Migrant; Arbeitsmigration; Indonesia; political influence; migrant worker; Frauenpolitik; Southeast Asia; politischer Einfluss; politische Partizipation; Interessenvertretung; Südostasien; migrant; Wanderarbeitnehmer; Indonesien; human rights; protection of employee rights; representation of interests; woman; Arbeitnehmerschutz; political participation; Entwicklungsland; developing country
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Migration
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz
Politikformulierung in der Fortpflanzungstechnologie: Partizipation und Einfluss feministischer Gruppierungen im internationalen Vergleich
Titelübersetzung:Policy-formulation for assisted reproductive technology: a comparative analysis of the participation and influence of women's groups
Autor/in:
Rothmayr, Christine
Quelle: Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, 32 (2003) 2, S 189-200
Details
Inhalt: 'Der Artikel geht aus vergleichender Perspektive der Frage nach, ob die festgestellten beträchtlichen Unterschiede in den Politiken im Bereich der Fortpflanzungstechnologie auf eine je nach Land unterschiedlich starke und einheitliche Mobilisierung sowie erfolgreiche Partizipation feministischer und frauenpolitischer Gruppierungen zurückgeführt werden kann. Es werden sechs Länder verglichen, die Schweiz, Deutschland, Norwegen, Belgien, Italien und Kanada. Der Artikel kommt zu dem Schluss, dass für die 'erste Generation' von Politiken, die als Reaktion auf die Verbreitung und Routinisierung der In-vitro-Fertilisation erlassen wurden, von einem sehr beschränkten Einfluss feministischer Gruppen im Speziellen und Frauenorgansiationen im Allgemeinen auszugehen ist.' (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: 'From a comparative perspective, this article analyses to what extent women's groups have participated and influenced the policy-making process for Assisted Reproductive Technology, and whether their participation and influence might help to explain the considerable variation observed in policy content across six countries, namely Switzerland, Germany, Norway, Belgium, Italy and Canada. The article comes to the conclusion that, for the 'first generation' of public policies formulated as a reaction towards the spread and routinization of in vitro fertilisation, feminist groups and in a larger sense women's groups have had a very limited influence on the content of the adopted policies.' (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Italy; North America; women's organization; Biotechnik; Italien; Federal Republic of Germany; biomedicine; Kanada; Norway; political influence; Nordamerika; Norwegen; Frauenorganisation; feminism; politischer Einfluss; politische Partizipation; Belgium; formulation of political objectives; Switzerland; politische Willensbildung; Biomedizin; political participation; Feminismus; Belgien; biotechnology; Schweiz; Canada
SSOAR Kategorie:spezielle Ressortpolitik, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
Dokumenttyp:Zeitschriftenaufsatz