Quelle: Comparative Population Studies - Zeitschrift für Bevölkerungswissenschaft, 43 (2018) , S 99-130
Inhalt: The two parts of the gender revolution have been evolving side by side at least since the 1960s. The first part, women's entry into the public sphere, proceeded faster than the second part, men’s entry into the private sphere. Consequently, many employed mothers have carried a greater burden of paid and unpaid family support than fathers throughout the second half of the 20th century. This constituted women's "second shift," depressing fertility. A central focus of this paper is to establish second shift trends during the second half of the 20th century and their effects on fertility. Our analyses are based on data on cohort fertility, male and female labor force participation, and male and female domestic hours worked from 11 countries in Northern Europe, Western/central Europe, Southern Europe, and North America between 1960/70 and 2000/2014. We find that the gender revolution had not generated a turnaround, i.e. an increase in cohort fertility, by the end of the 20th century. Nevertheless, wherever the gender revolution has made progress in reducing women’s second shift, cohort fertility declined the least; where the second shift is large and/or has not been reduced, cohort fertility has declined the most.
Schlagwörter:20. Jahrhundert; Italy; Netherlands; birth trend; fertility; Gleichstellung; Arbeitsteilung; Sweden; Familienpolitik; gender role; Familie-Beruf; Italien; Federal Republic of Germany; work-family balance; Kanada; Geschlechtsrolle; Norway; Geburtenentwicklung; labor force participation; Norwegen; Finnland; family policy; United States of America; Fruchtbarkeit; Erwerbsbeteiligung; Schweden; France; division of labor; Spanien; USA; Großbritannien; Finland; woman; Frankreich; Great Britain; Spain; affirmative action; gender-specific factors; Canada; twentieth century; Niederlande; two-part gender revolution; transformation of male breadwinner family model; women in public sphere; men in private sphere; women's second shift
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Bevölkerung
Changing Gender Norms in Islam Between Reason and Revelation
Autor/in:
Bakhshizadeh, Marziyeh
Quelle: Opladen, 2018. 247 S
Inhalt: Women‘s movements in Islamic countries have had a long and arduous journey in their quest for the realization of human rights and genuine equality. The author examines whether discriminatory laws against women do in fact originate from Islam and, ultimately, if there is any interpretation of Islam compatible with gender equality. She investigates women’s rights in Iran since the 1979 Revolution from the perspectives of the main currents of Islamic thought, fundamentalists, reformists, and seculars, using a sociological explanation. The disputes about human reason and its relation to revelation can be traced in various Islamic schools of thought since the eighth century AD. However, the disputes have intensified since the eighteenth century when Muslims faced challenges to their faith and social order, brought about by modernity and enlightenment from the West. There were various reactions within the Islamic world. These reflections produced different interpretations of Islam that can be categorized based on their understanding of how compatible Islamic laws are with a specific time and space; as well as how they define the relationship between human reason and revelation. The three major interpretations of Islam within a spectrum are on the far right fundamentalists, in the middle reformists, and on the far left secularists; each having diverse views on the legitimacy and applicability of all Islamic law in modern times, and consequently having various perspectives on justice and gender equality. Accordingly, the author aims to investigate the different interpretations on Islam to find out which interpretations are compatible with the global norms of justice, and hence in accord to women’s rights and gender equality. In order to analyze the Islamic thought flows through a sociological perspective, a theoretical model is proposed based on theories of sociology of religion (Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann), Structuration theory (Anthony Giddens) and struggles related to universal norms of justice (Nancy Fraser, Axel Honneth, Seyla Benhabib). According to this theoretical model, there is a dialectical relationship between individual and structure. Religion, as a factor of structure, defines a framework of interaction for individual agents in personal and social life. Religion also offers a value and meaning system for human beings. On the other hand, human beings examine the patterns of interaction through 'reflexive monitoring,' and employing human reason and rational explanation. Therefore, human beings do not passively accept all patterns of interaction. In this model of dialectical relationship between individual and structure, justice means providing equal access to political, economic, and cultural resources in society and in the family. On this matter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women provide practical and universal criteria for the protection of human and women's rights, and ensure gender equality in society. Following the theoretical model, the research aims to reconstruct the main interpretations of Islam in three core issues of Islamic law, human reason, and women’s rights considering universal norms of justice.
Schlagwörter:Gender; gender; Islam; Islam; Menschenrechte; human rights; Diskriminierung; discrimination; religiöse Faktoren; religious factors; Gerechtigkeit; justice; Vernunft; reason; Gleichberechtigung; equality of rights; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; woman; Iran; Iran
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Religionssoziologie
Women's Coalitions beyond the Laicism-Islamism Divide in Turkey: Towards an Inclusive Struggle for Gender Equality?
Autor/in:
Çağatay, Selin
Quelle: Social Inclusion, 6 (2018) 4, S 48-58
Inhalt: In the 2010s in Turkey, the ruling Justice and Development Party's (AKP) authoritarian-populist turn accompanied the institutionalization of political Islam. As laicism was discredited and labeled as an imposed-from-above principle of Western/Kemalist modernity, the notion of equality ceased to inform the state’s gender policies. In response to AKP's attempts to redefine gender relations through the notions of complementarity and fıtrat (purpose of creation), women across the political spectrum have mobilized for an understanding of gender equality that transcends the laicism - Islamism divide yet maintains secularity as its constitutive principle. Analyzing three recent attempts of women's coalition-building, this article shows that, first, gender equality activists in the 2010s are renegotiating the border between secularity and piety towards more inclusive understandings of gender equality; and second, that struggles against AKP’s gender politics are fragmented due to different configurations of gender equality and secularity that reflect class and ethnic antagonisms in Turkish society. The article thereby argues for the need to move beyond binary approaches to secularism and religion that have so far dominated the scholarly analysis of women’s activism in both Turkey and the Nordic context.
Überlegungen zur Weiterentwicklung der Gleichstellungsgrundlagen für öffentliche Universitäten
Autor/in:
Koller, Peter
Quelle: Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien; (Reihe Soziologie / Institut für Höhere Studien, Abt. Soziologie, 120)2018. 58 S
Inhalt: Gleichstellungspolitik an österreichischen Universitäten hat eine bis in die 1980er Jahre
zurückreichende Tradition. Seither haben sich die rechtlichen Grundlagen wie auch konkrete
Maßnahmen stets weiterentwickelt. Das vorliegende Paper thematisiert aktuelle
Entwicklungen und skizziert mögliche künftige Weiterentwicklungen.
Inhalt: Gender equality policies for Austrian universities have a long tradition and are characterised
by a solid legal framework. Since the 1980s, both the framework and the concrete measures
have been reformed several times. The paper focuses on current reforms and outlines
possible future developments.
Schlagwörter:Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Gleichstellungspolitik; equal opportunity policy; university; Österreich; Austria; Hochschulrecht; academic law; Rechtsgrundlage; legal basis; Judikative; judicial power; Frauenförderung; advancement of women; Frauenanteil; proportion of women; politische Steuerung; political governance; Europäisches Recht; European Law
Gender Equality and Beyond: At the Crossroads of Neoliberalism, Anti-Gender Movements, "European" Values, and Normative Reiterations in the Nordic Model
Autor/in:
Nygren, Katarina Giritli; Mulinari, Diana; Martinsson, Lena
Quelle: Social Inclusion, 6 (2018) 4, S 1-7
Inhalt: The social-democratic-inspired “Nordic model”, with its agenda for gender equality, has been an important example for the development of political interventions to transform society but at the same time, it has been functioning as an emerging gender normalising and stabilising structure. The last decade it has also become focused by antigender movements and ethno-nationalistic parties both as emblematic for the Nordic nations as well as a threat that must be destroyed to save the nation. This issue will elaborate further on gender equality as a node, a floating signifier in powerful and often contradictory discourses situating the discussions within the tradition of scholarships of hope through a dialogue about articles that search for realistic utopias that might be considered to be “beyond gender equality”. The included articles engage with the messiness and crossroads of gender equality in relation to the work-line, territories, neo-liberalism, religion, the crisis of solidarity and the success of anti-genderism agenda.
When the Personal Is Always Political: Norwegian Muslims' Arguments for Women's Rights
Autor/in:
Helseth, Hannah
Quelle: Social Inclusion, 6 (2018) 4, S 59-66
Inhalt: For almost two decades, the public debate about Islam in Western Europe has been dominated by concerns about the lack of gender equality in the racialized Muslim population. There has been a tendency to victimize "the Muslim woman" rather than to encourage Muslim women’s participation in the public debate about their lives. This contribution to the study of discourses on Muslim women is an analysis of arguments written by Muslims about women’s rights. The data consists of 239 texts written by self-defined Muslims in major Norwegian newspapers about women’s rights. I will discuss two findings from the study. The first is an appeal to be personal when discussing issues of domestic violence and racism is combined with an implicit and explicit demand to represent all Muslims in order to get published in newspapers - which creates an ethno-religious threshold for participation in the public debate. The second finding is that, across different positions and different religious affiliations, from conservative to nearly secular, and across the timeline, from 2000 to 2012, there is a dominant understanding of women's rights as individual autonomy. These findings will be discussed from different theoretical perspectives to explore how arguments for individual autonomy can both challenge and amplify neoliberal agendas.
Schlagwörter:Arendt, H.; Arendt, H.; Feminismus; feminism; Individualismus; individualism; Neoliberalismus; neoliberalism; Islam; Islam; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Menschenrechte; human rights; woman; Muslim; Muslim; Europa; Europe; Norwegen; Norway; Brown, W.; public debate; traditional media; women’s rights
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Religionssoziologie
Quelle: Opladen (Schriftenreihe "Gender-Diskurs" des Gender- und Technik-Zentrum (GuTZ) der Beuth Hochschule für Technik Berlin, 9), 2018. 45 S
Inhalt: Die Gewinnung von FH-Professorinnen und -Professoren wird seit 2016 von Wissenschaftsorganisationen intensiv diskutiert. Gelingt es an der Beuth Hochschule für Technik Berlin im Rahmen der freien Berufungskorridore den Frauenanteil unter den FH-Professuren markant zu erhöhen und eine "place to be"-Strategie zu etablieren? Aufbauend auf den Erkenntnissen von 22 Jahren Förderung des wissenschaftlichen Nachwuchses im Hypatia-Programm wird unter Berücksichtigung von Handlungsempfehlungen zum Personal Recruiting im Wissenschaftsbereich die besondere Situation von Hochschulen der angewandten Wissenschaften im MINT-Bereich berücksichtigt und im Rahmen des Gleichstellungskonzeptes mit Maßnahmen zum Karriereziel FH-Professorin verankert.
Basic Income: The Potential for Gendered Empowerment?
Autor/in:
Duvander, Ann-Zofie; Koslowski, Alison
Quelle: Social Inclusion, 6 (2018) 4, S 8-15
Inhalt: Basic income is likely to gain momentum as the next social welfare trend to sweep over the world with ideas of how to improve the fairness and efficiency of distributing money. Other earlier movements with similar ambitions to transform societies, ranging across the political spectrum from socialism to neo-liberalism, have led to very different consequences for strata of citizens, but have in common that they have de-prioritised gender equality in favour of other interests. Advocates of basic income suggest that in addition to pragmatic gains, such as a more efficient state administration, primarily a basic income will empower citizens, leading to the potential for greater human flourishing. Our question is whether this empowerment will be gendered and if so, how? So far, the basic income debate addresses gender only in so far as it would raise the income of the poorest, of whom a larger proportion are women. However, it is less clear how it might contribute to a transformation of gendered behaviour, making possible divergent shapes of life where binary and set notions of gender are not a restriction. We discuss the idea of basic income from a perspective of gender equality in the Swedish context.
Solidarity in Head-Scarf and Pussy Bow Blouse: Reflections on Feminist Activism and Knowledge Production
Autor/in:
Gemzöe, Lena
Quelle: Social Inclusion, 6 (2018) 4, S 67-81
Inhalt: The author of this article discusses the ways in which gender equality and intersectionality are understood and enacted in two recent feminist campaigns in Sweden that use similar techniques to mobilise support for different causes. The first campaign is the so-called Hijab Call-to-Action, a solidarity action that took place in 2013 in which women in Sweden wore a hijab (the Muslim headscarf) for one day in defence of Muslim women’s rights. This campaign manifests the ways in which the notion of gender equality brings with it a norm of secularity, but also how the equation of equality and secularity is contested. The second feminist campaign discussed is the so-called Pussy Bow Blouse manifestation that aimed at taking a stand in the controversies surrounding the Swedish Academy as a result of the Metoo campaign in Sweden. The author looks at the political and discursive processes enfolded in these campaigns as a sort of collective learning processes that connect feminist activism and scholarship. A key concern is to critically analyse a binary model of powerless versus gender-equal or feminist women that figure in both debates. Further, the author shows that both campaigns appeal to solidarity through identification, but at the same time underscore the contingent and coalitional nature of identity in the act of dressing in a scarf or a blouse to take on a (political) identity for a day.