Barriers to women's representation in academic excellence and positions of power
Autor/in:
Yousaf, Rizwana; Schmiede, Rudi
Quelle: Asian Journal of German and European Studies, 2 (2017) , S 1-13
Inhalt: "Nearly for half a century women's advancement in the workplace has been in a debate. Women’s under-represented in higher education institutions and universities across the globe, and especially in the most powerful or influential posts, is well established. Despite gender equality commitments and women's educational attainment, still, they are underrepresented. Regions and countries may vary in term of culture, achievements and development, but barriers for women's representation in academia are surprisingly similar in many regions. It is found that there are several barriers which women might be experiencing in academia ranging from personal, organizational to societal." (author's abstract)
Gender role attitudes in Italy: 1988-2008 - a path-dependency story of traditionalism
Autor/in:
Lomazzi, Vera
Quelle: European Societies, 19 (2017) 4, S 370-395
Inhalt: Considering gender role attitudes as part of a broader cultural change related to the modernization process, this study adopts a path-dependency approach to analyze the support for the role of women in the public sphere in Italy since 1988. Modernization processes varied across Italian regions and the paper explores how different gender patterns developed accordingly. Using pooled data from European Values Survey, World Values Survey, and International Social Survey Program, the author assesses if this specific change is part of the postmaterialist shift and investigates the mechanisms of change carrying out cohort decomposition methods. The results address a reinforcement of traditionalism mainly due to the period effect that shows regional differences given by history.
Gender and the right to non-discrimination in international human rights law
Autor/in:
Netkova, Bistra
Quelle: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, 1 (2016) 3, S 20-29
Inhalt: Discrimination against women based on the fact that they are women is a deeply rooted practice in all societies. However, the level of discrimination varies greatly with the level of development of the given society and strongly influences and vice versa it is influenced by the status of women in a given society. Addressing this gender-based discrimination is a difficult task because it is closely linked to the concept of equality, and state’s action and inactions. The article establishes that the States parties’ obligation is to ensure that there is no direct or indirect discrimination against women in their laws, sanctions, and other remedies and those women are protected against discrimination in the public, as well as, in the private spheres.
Schlagwörter:Frauenfeindlichkeit; mysogyny; Diskriminierung; discrimination; gender-specific factors; sozialer Status; social status; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Gleichheit; equality; Menschenrechte; human rights; woman; internationales Recht; international law; Gleichbehandlung; equal treatment; Frauenpolitik; women's policy; Chancengleichheit; equal opportunity; Rechtsnorm; legal norm; direct and indirect discrimination; CEDAW; ECHR; HRC of the ICCPR
SSOAR Kategorie:Recht, Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung
The compatibility of women's involvement in politics and the process of Euro-integration in the modern Georgian reality
Autor/in:
Darchashvili, Manana; Alaverdov, Emilia
Quelle: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, 2 (2016) 2, S 65-73
Inhalt: Nowadays, women’s involvement in politics is a quite hot discussion topic among public associations and politicians. It is highlighted in various events. It is a fact that the country has to make certain legislative changes for the purpose of women’s (political) activation. It will help to fulfill the international obligations, and to establish (some/additional/further) democratic principles in Georgia and accelerate the country’s process of European integration at the same time. Based on the attitude of women’s political engagement issue in Georgia, with the support of Georgia’s Euro-integration strategy, public organizations and politicians, public awareness and the certain support of political parties, it is possible that in the nearest future the mentioned issue will be given wider resonance and it will be defined the legislative level in order to be more supported, what will add to growth of the women’s engagement.
Schlagwörter:woman; politische Partizipation; political participation; politische Aktivität; political activity; Politikerin; ; Quotierung; quotation; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Frauenförderung; advancement of women; Georgien; Georgia; europäische Integration; European integration
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur
20 Jahre Vertrag von Amsterdam - reelle Vision oder reale Desillusion europäischer Gleichstellungspolitik?
Titelübersetzung:The Treaty of Amsterdam celebrating its 20th anniversary - visionary or disappointing EU equality politics?
Autor/in:
Ahrens, Petra; Scheele, Alexandra; Vleuten, Anna van der
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 25 (2016) 2, S 9-21
Inhalt: Im Jahr 1997 wurden die Prinzipien Gender Mainstreaming und Antidiskriminierung auf Grund von Geschlecht, 'Rasse', ethnischer Herkunft, Religion/Weltanschauung, Behinderung/Beeinträchtigung, Alter und sexueller Orientierung im Amsterdamer Vertrag verankert. Die Einleitung zum Schwerpunktheft bilanziert zwanzig Jahre nach der Verabschiedung die Wirkungen dieser vertraglichen Verankerung und kommt dabei zu einem gemischten Fazit. Einerseits hat sich das supranationale EU Gender- und Antidiskriminierungs-Regime dank wachsender Aufmerksamkeit für Gleichstellung in den verschiedenen Politikfeldern und neuer rechtlicher Grundlagen für vielfältige Diskriminierungsgründe deutlich über die damaligen Grenzen der Beschäftigungs- und Sozialpolitik hinaus entwickelt. Andererseits haben sich die Erwartungen an Gender Mainstreaming als transformative Strategie trotz feministischem Aktivismus und gleichstellungsorientierter Forschung nicht erfüllt, und die Mitgliedsstaaten haben die Entwicklung eines Antidiskriminierungs-Regimes auf 'softe' Politikinstrumente und lediglich zwei bindende Richtlinien begrenzt. Darüber hinaus blieben die beiden Politikprozesse - Gender Mainstreaming und Antidiskriminierung - institutionell und strategisch unverbunden. Anstatt Intersektionalität zu 'mainstreamen', werden Diskriminierungsgründe separat behandelt und Geschlechtergleichstellung scheint in die reaktive Politiklogik von Antidiskriminierung absorbiert zu werden, während Gender Mainstreaming oft darauf begrenzt bleibt, Männer und Frauen als zwei feststehende Kategorien einzufügen. Die Osterweiterung und die Finanz- und Legitimitätskrise der EU haben zudem eine soziale und politische Konstellation hervorgebracht, die der Entwicklung einer alternativen Gleichstellungsstrategie nicht gerade förderlich ist. (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: In 1997 the principles of gender mainstreaming and anti-discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age or sexual orientation were enshrined in the Treaty of Amsterdam. The introduction to this special issue takes stock of the results twenty years after and finds mixed results. It argues that a supranational EU gender and antidiscrimination regime has developed beyond the original limitations to discrimination between women and men in employment and social security, thanks to the attention to gender equality in other policy domains and the adoption of legal and political instruments dealing with other grounds for discrimination. However, in spite of feminist activism and research, gender mainstreaming has not fulfilled the expectations as a transformative strategy, and member states have limited the development of an antidiscrimination regime to a set of ever softer policy instruments and two binding legal instruments. Importantly, the processes of gender mainstreaming and antidiscrimination remain disconnected institutionally and strategically. Instead of mainstreaming the concept of intersectionality, antidiscrimination policies continue to treat grounds for discrimination separately, gender equality seems to be absorbed by the logic of antidiscrimination as a reactive policy approach, and gender mainstreaming is reduced to inserting woman and man as two fixed categories. Unfortunately, the eastern enlargement, the financial crisis and the legitimacy crisis faced by the EU have created a social and political constellation, which is not propitious for the development of an alternative equality strategy. (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:EU; Gender Mainstreaming; politisches Regime; Gleichstellung; politische Strategie; EU policy; Menschenrechte; women's policy; human rights; EU-Politik; political regime; woman; Frauenpolitik; EU-Vertrag; affirmative action; gender mainstreaming; equal opportunity policy; EU Treaty; Gleichstellungspolitik; EU; political strategy
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Europapolitik
Islamism, Secularism and the Woman Question in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring: Evidence from the Arab Barometer
Autor/in:
Fox, Ashley M.; Abdelkarim Alzwawi, Sana; Refki, Dina
Quelle: Politics and Governance, 4 (2016) 4, S 40-57
Inhalt: "The uprisings that led to regime change during the early period of the Arab Spring were initially inclusive and pluralistic in nature, with men and women from every political and religious orientation engaging actively in political activities on the street and in virtual spaces. While there was an opening of political space for women and the inclusion of demands of marginalized groups in the activists' agenda, the struggle to reimagine national identities that balance Islamic roots and secular yearnings is still ongoing in many countries in the region. This paper seeks to deepen understanding of the extent to which the pluralistic sentiments and openness to accepting the rights women have persisted following the uprising. We aim to examine changes in attitudes towards women's equality in countries that underwent regime change through popular uprisings during revolutionary upheavals of the Arab Spring and in countries where regimes have remained unchanged. Using available data from consecutive rounds of the Arab Barometer survey, we examine changes in attitudes in nine countries with two rounds of Arab Barometer during and post Arab Spring (Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine). We find that support for 'Muslim feminism' (an interpretation of gender equality grounded in Islam) has increased over the period and particularly in Arab Spring countries, while support for 'secular feminism' has declined. In most countries examined, relatively high degrees of support for gender equality co-exist with a preference for Islamic interpretations of personal status codes pertaining to women. We discuss the implications of these findings for academics and activists concerned with women's rights in the Middle East North Africa (MENA)." (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:Nordafrika; North Africa; arabische Länder; Arab countries; Nahost; Middle East; politischer Wandel; political change; politische Partizipation; political participation; Islamismus; islamism; Säkularisierung; secularization; woman; Menschenrechte; human rights; Feminismus; feminism; Muslim; Muslim; Gleichstellung; affirmative action; Einstellung; attitude; gender-specific factors; Einstellungsänderung; attitude change; Islam; Islam; Religiosität; religiousness; Arab democratic exceptionalism; Arab Spring
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, politische Willensbildung, politische Soziologie, politische Kultur, Religionssoziologie
20 Jahre Vertrag von Amsterdam - reelle Vision oder reale Desillusion europäischer Gleichstellungspolitik?
Titelübersetzung:The Treaty of Amsterdam celebrating its 20th anniversary - visionary or disappointing EU equality politics?
Autor/in:
Ahrens, Petra; Scheele, Alexandra; Vleuten, Anna van der
Quelle: Femina Politica - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft, 25 (2016) 2, S 9-21
Inhalt: Im Jahr 1997 wurden die Prinzipien Gender Mainstreaming und Antidiskriminierung auf Grund von Geschlecht, 'Rasse', ethnischer Herkunft, Religion/Weltanschauung, Behinderung/Beeinträchtigung, Alter und sexueller Orientierung im Amsterdamer Vertrag verankert. Die Einleitung zum Schwerpunktheft bilanziert zwanzig Jahre nach der Verabschiedung die Wirkungen dieser vertraglichen Verankerung und kommt dabei zu einem gemischten Fazit. Einerseits hat sich das supranationale EU Gender- und Antidiskriminierungs-Regime dank wachsender Aufmerksamkeit für Gleichstellung in den verschiedenen Politikfeldern und neuer rechtlicher Grundlagen für vielfältige Diskriminierungsgründe deutlich über die damaligen Grenzen der Beschäftigungs- und Sozialpolitik hinaus entwickelt. Andererseits haben sich die Erwartungen an Gender Mainstreaming als transformative Strategie trotz feministischem Aktivismus und gleichstellungsorientierter Forschung nicht erfüllt, und die Mitgliedsstaaten haben die Entwicklung eines Antidiskriminierungs-Regimes auf 'softe' Politikinstrumente und lediglich zwei bindende Richtlinien begrenzt. Darüber hinaus blieben die beiden Politikprozesse - Gender Mainstreaming und Antidiskriminierung - institutionell und strategisch unverbunden. Anstatt Intersektionalität zu 'mainstreamen', werden Diskriminierungsgründe separat behandelt und Geschlechtergleichstellung scheint in die reaktive Politiklogik von Antidiskriminierung absorbiert zu werden, während Gender Mainstreaming oft darauf begrenzt bleibt, Männer und Frauen als zwei feststehende Kategorien einzufügen. Die Osterweiterung und die Finanz- und Legitimitätskrise der EU haben zudem eine soziale und politische Konstellation hervorgebracht, die der Entwicklung einer alternativen Gleichstellungsstrategie nicht gerade förderlich ist. (Autorenreferat)
Inhalt: In 1997 the principles of gender mainstreaming and anti-discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age or sexual orientation were enshrined in the Treaty of Amsterdam. The introduction to this special issue takes stock of the results twenty years after and finds mixed results. It argues that a supranational EU gender and antidiscrimination regime has developed beyond the original limitations to discrimination between women and men in employment and social security, thanks to the attention to gender equality in other policy domains and the adoption of legal and political instruments dealing with other grounds for discrimination. However, in spite of feminist activism and research, gender mainstreaming has not fulfilled the expectations as a transformative strategy, and member states have limited the development of an antidiscrimination regime to a set of ever softer policy instruments and two binding legal instruments. Importantly, the processes of gender mainstreaming and antidiscrimination remain disconnected institutionally and strategically. Instead of mainstreaming the concept of intersectionality, antidiscrimination policies continue to treat grounds for discrimination separately, gender equality seems to be absorbed by the logic of antidiscrimination as a reactive policy approach, and gender mainstreaming is reduced to inserting woman and man as two fixed categories. Unfortunately, the eastern enlargement, the financial crisis and the legitimacy crisis faced by the EU have created a social and political constellation, which is not propitious for the development of an alternative equality strategy. (author's abstract)
Schlagwörter:EU; Gender Mainstreaming; politisches Regime; Gleichstellung; politische Strategie; EU policy; Menschenrechte; women's policy; human rights; EU-Politik; political regime; woman; Frauenpolitik; EU-Vertrag; affirmative action; gender mainstreaming; equal opportunity policy; EU Treaty; Gleichstellungspolitik; EU; political strategy
SSOAR Kategorie:Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung, Europapolitik